diaspora research of Stuart Hall and Adam McKeown, and a very useful addition to the
socio-economic analysis employing the Marxian concept the ‘industrial reserve army’,
which accounts for the presence of large population contingents circulating around the
world.
The third paper, ’Impact of Chinese Assertiveness on Global order’, by Bhawna Pokharna,
introduces the reader to the topic of the rise of China in the twenty-first century and the
extent to which this ascent has changed geo-strategic politics, and the course of global
order. The author suggests that as China has enhanced its assertiveness in the global
arena, it has been increasingly viewed as a threat to the existing liberal international
order, and focuses on recent developments, especially during the pandemic and
immediate post-pandemic years. While China is said to be on the way to becoming a
superpower with its substantial economic growth, military modernization, and a strong
political system, the author identifies what is held to be the irresponsible, impetuous and
rash behaviour of China during Covid 19 global pandemic as raising questions about the
future of liberal world order. The author suggests that since Xi Jinping became President,
the PRC has embarked on the road to superpower status, posited on his philosophy of
the China Dream. The Belt and Road Initiative has unfolded Chinese global ambitions and
extended its outreach tremendously, with China set to abandon the existing liberal
international order, that is dominated by the western powers, and take steps to become
a major player in the international arena.
The fourth paper, ‘The institutional challenges for the European Union in the face of the
new Chinese investment wave’, co-authored by Jorge Tavares Silva and Rui Pereira,
provides an analysis of the consequences of Chinese investment in Europe, particularly
how Chinese investments may challenge European unity, both regarding the institutional
structure of the EU, but also in the formulation of foreign policy towards China. After an
analysis of the past history of EU-China relations, taking up great moments in EU-China
cooperation as well as examples of disagreements and antagonisms, the paper focuses
on trade and economic relations, and provides the principal bilateral statistics for these
fields of interaction. The article concludes by discussing the consequences of Chinese
trade and investment in Europe, including the pressure that is exerted on formal
arrangements and administrative European routines.
The concluding paper in the issue, written by myself and Hou Xiaoying, is titled
‘Portuguese Strategies towards China during the Covid19 Pandemic’ uses the Theory of
Asymmetrical Negotiations (TAN), advanced by Habeeb in 1988, to analyse how three
factors - commitment, alternatives, and control – can be said to have influenced
Portugal’s strategies towards China during the Pandemic. The paper tests the
effectiveness of TAN in explaining the strategy choices made by small states towards
large states, and thereby enriches our understanding of Portugal’s ongoing diplomacy,
and the diplomatic possibilities available to small states. Its hypothesis is that when a
small state has a high level of commitment, unfavourable alternatives, and limited control
over a single issue in its relations with a large state, it finds itself at a disadvantage in
terms of the ‘balance of power’, and resorts to soft negotiation strategies. Conversely,
when a small state has a degree of advantage, it tends to adopt hard negotiation
strategies. The article tests this supposition, using the case of Portugal as an example,