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e-ISSN: 1647-7251

VOL12 N2, TD2

Thematic dossier - The Middle East.

Local dynamics, regional actors, global challeges

February 2022

THE ART OF RESISTANCE: ART AND RESISTANCE IN PALESTINE

MAFALDA YOUNG

mafaldayoung@gmail.com

Mafalda Young obtained a Master’s degree in International Studies at ISCTE - Instituto

Universitário de Lisboa (Portugal) and a Bachelor's degree in Political Science and International

Relations from NOVA FCSH - Universidade Nova de Lisboa. Her main research interests are

Middle East and North Africa, nonviolent resistance, art and political graffiti.

Abstract

Resistance can take many forms. In Palestine, to exist is to resist. For the last fifty-four years

Palestinians have found many inventive and innovative ways to resist the Israeli occupation,

and one of those ways, but certainly not the only, is art. Palestinian art and the Israeli

occupation walk hand in hand insomuch that and the historical and political encounters of the

conflict have influenced the Palestinian cultural scene and vice versa. This article aims to

explore how art, in its various forms, is part of the arsenal of everyday resistance techniques

employed by the Palestinian. It addresses not only how art has challenged the outcomes of

the conflict, but also how the conflict has impacted the Palestinian artistic scene. To this end,

it explores the case of contemporary Palestinian graffiti as a relevant tool of resistance that

provides an insight into the nature of Palestinian resistance but also into the evolution of the

conflict itself.

Keywords

Israeli-Palestinian conflict, Political Art, Palestinian Art, Graffiti, Everyday Resistance.

How to cite this article

Young, Mafalda (2021). The Art of Resistance: Art and Resistance in Palestine. Janus.net, e-

journal of international relations. VOL12 N2, TD2 - Thematic dossier The Middle East. Local

dynamics, regional actors, global challenges, February 2022. Consulted [online] in date of the

last visit, https://doi.org/10.26619/1647-7251.DT0122.2

Article received on May 16, 2021 and accepted for publication on October 25, 2021

JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations

e-ISSN: 1647-7251

VOL12 N2, TD2

Thematic dossier – The Middle East. Local Dynamics, regional actors, global challenges,

February 2022, pp. 18-36

The Art of Resistance: Art and Resistance in Palestine

Mafalda Young

THE ART OF RESISTANCE: ART AND RESISTANCE IN PALESTINE

MAFALDA YOUNG

Introduction

Art has always been a space where communities express their political-ideological beliefs

and advocate for change. In all its forms, artistic production has been used as a tool of

socio-political struggle and as a catalyst for mobilization and dissent, and in this Palestine

is no exception. Living under harsh conditions of violence, repression and censorship,

Palestinians have found in art one of their most important and empowering tools of

nonviolent resistance to the Israeli occupation.

Through art, Palestinians have challenged the hegemony of the Zionist narrative and its

associated attempts to deny their existence. Furthermore, art has contributed to the

construction of the Palestinians sense of togetherness and national identity and has been

one of the driving forces behind many relevant moments in the history of Palestinian

resistance by mobilizing Palestinians to act.

This article, which is derived from my Master’s dissertation in International Studies at

ISCTE – Instituto Universitário de Lisboa, offers an overview of the Palestinian resistance

art production under occupation, with a special focus in graffiti. The political role and

characteristics of Palestinian graffiti have evolved throughout the conflict with its most

expressive form being reached in two historic moments: The First Intifada and after the

construction of the Separation Wall.

As an object of study, graffiti can offer a great level of understanding about the artist’s

motivation, ideology and political aspirations, but also about community concerns and

issues. According to James Scott (1985), the intentionality behind an act of resistance is

often a better indicator of resistance than the outcome derived from the act itself (Scott,

1985: 290). With this in mind, and driven by a willingness to understand the meaning,

intentionality and personal experiences behind artistic creations in Palestine, an interview

of a young Palestinian graffiti artist was conducted. Through a phenomenological

approach, my goal was to understand the intentions behind the artist's creations as well

as the reasons that led him to represent certain symbolic elements instead of others.

Deriving from a post-positivist interpretive perspective, this article develops a

comparative analysis of three murals produced by Mohamd Alraee. It focuses on the

signs and symbols used by the artist, relates them to the Palestinian context and

resistance history and, finally, offers a semiotic interpretation of their meaning.

The analysis of Palestinian graffiti does not intend, by any means, to disregard the

political and activist art produced by countless Israeli artists or those from neighbouring

JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations

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VOL12 N2, TD2

Thematic dossier – The Middle East. Local Dynamics, regional actors, global challenges,

February 2022, pp. 18-36

The Art of Resistance: Art and Resistance in Palestine

Mafalda Young

countries that might have strongly influenced the Palestinian cultural scene. It aims,

instead, to delve into the characteristics that are unique to Palestinian resistance efforts,

and hopefully offer a deeper understanding of the state of the Palestinian resistance

movement of today.

1. Everyday Resistance and the Palestinian Sumud

Because resistance is a socially constructed concept, in which different actors, observers

and dimensions contribute to its understanding, it has no broadly accepted definition

(Gordon, 1993: 142). However, social scientists seem to generally accept that resistance

is an “oppositional act”, where an active behaviour (either verbal, cognitive or physical)

and a sense of opposing, questioning, and challenging the existing power structures are

expected (Hollander & Einwohner, 2004: 538).

According to Foucault, “if there is power there is resistance and yet, or rather

consequently, this resistance is never in a position of exteriority to power” (Foucault,

1978: 95), meaning that the relationship between power and resistance is not static but

rather cyclical and dynamic (Hollander & Einwohner, 2004: 548). This “mutually

constitutive” relationship evolves over time and as the power dynamics change rulers

look for new and ingenious ways to control the oppressed who, in turn, adapt their

resistance strategies to the new context (Vinthagen & Johansson, 2013: 31).

Although power structures tend to be favourable to those in power, the power dynamics

are not always defined by power holders. According to the theory of consent, the

authority of any ruler is dependent on the voluntary obedience of the ruled, meaning that

by withdrawing this consent through resistance, opposers are limiting the degree of

support the governing can count on (Dudouet, 2008: 4; Hardt & Negri, 2004: 54).

This theory may explain the power dynamics in democratic systems. However, in

undemocratic and oppressive contexts, the tangible effects of resistance are limited and

opportunities to openly resist are scarce (McAdam & Tarrow, 2000: 151; Zunes, 1994:

420). Therefore, resistance may be overt and recognizable as such, but it may also be

covert and intended to go unnoticed. Depending on the socio-political circumstances,

resisters may be encouraged to strategically manipulate their behavior to avoid

recognition and escape retaliation from those in power (Hollander & Einwohner, 2004:

540-545).

This is often the case with less obvious forms of opposition such as “everyday forms of

resistance”. According to James Scott (1985), who first coined the term, “everyday

resistance” encompasses a set of acts or resistance activities that are ordinary and

mundane in its nature (Scott, 1989: 33-34). They are often adopted by those who, due

to a lack of resources or opportunities, mask the rebellious nature of their acts while

continuing to resist (Scott, 1985: xvi).

This is often the case with humour, songs, or literature when used to covertly express

resistance within a context of censorship and punishment (Sanger, 1995: 179; Hollander

& Einwohner, 2004: 540). Without being “politically articulated or formally organized’’,

everyday resistance can prepare the ground for more visible acts of resistance, such as

demonstrations, protests and insurrections as these events often find their roots in

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The Art of Resistance: Art and Resistance in Palestine

Mafalda Young

“stories, poems, songs, visual arts and other local acts of defiance and resistance, unseen

by authorities or by outside observers” (Tripp, 2013a: 5; Vinthagen & Johansson, 2013:

10).

It is from a sense of sumud, i.e. an “active form of willingness to sacrifice oneself in order

to achieve justice” that the Palestinian experience of everyday resistance emerges.

Sumud is an “active form of popular resistance” that highlights “steadfastness,

persistence and success in the face of adversity” and not mere passive tolerance

(Qumsiyeh, 2011: 11). Simply by going through the mundane acts of daily life - laughing,

crying, getting married, having children, going to school, tending their sheep in what

remains of Palestine - Palestinians are resisting Israeli occupation (Qumsiyeh, 2011:

235).

2. Palestinian Art, Sumud and Everyday Resistance

It is often in culture that oppressed communities find the political space to express their

ideas, opinions and emotions (Scott,1990: xiii). Culture offers a safe alternative space

where, through “hidden transcripts”, the weak can express themselves relatively freely

within the existing power structures (Scott, 1990: 164-65). These “hidden transcripts”,

in the form of literature, music, paintings and folklore, often provide the oppressed with

the ideological underpinnings needed to rise up against their oppressor (Scott, 1990:

80).

Particularly in contexts of censorship, violence and occupation, cultural production is not

only used to express political and ideological opposition, but also functions as memory

tools in which historical episodes are remembered and values are passed on between

generations (Salih & Richter-Devroe, 2014: 15; Assmann & Czaplicka, 1995: 127).

The ability to contribute to the collective memory is particularly relevant in the Palestinian

context since the Zionist foundational myth deliberately erased the Palestinian presence

from the land by framing it “as a land without a people to a people without a land”

(Piterberg, 2001: 31).

Palestinian culture represents a challenge to this narrative. And if we agree with Hamdi’s

interpretation that everything that helps to keep the idea of Palestine alive is a type of

sumud, then artistic production certainly falls into this category (Hamdi, 2011: 40-41).

The potential of art as a form of everyday resistance rests on its ability to transform and

shape the “political behavior among the Palestinians in their everyday resistance” (Ali,

2018: 148-9). By contributing to the embodiment of the Palestinian collective memory,

to the communal sense of belonging to the land and to the emergence of innovative

counter-narratives, artistic interventions may contribute to shaping the subaltern’s

attitudes not only towards power holders but to resistance itself (Hamdi, 2011: 40-41;

Tripp, 2013b: 16).

3. Palestinian resistance and the role of culture

From the beginning of the military occupation (1967), Israel has applied a range of

techniques designed to assert control over the Palestinians, their land and its narrative

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The Art of Resistance: Art and Resistance in Palestine

Mafalda Young

(Ali, 2018: 148). What began as the destruction of entire Palestinian villages in 1948

grew into an elaborate scheme of domination based on the construction of borders,

checkpoints, and Israeli settlements along with house demolitions and land confiscations

over the years (Ehrenreich, 2016: 206), accompanied by the establishment of a complex

system of permits limiting movement across the Palestinian border that drastically curtail

the flow of people and culture (Stiline, 2018: 50).

Between 1967 and 1993

a complex system of military censorship designed to destroy

all social elements that could evoke the Palestinian collective memory, sense of

community and belonging to the land was established (Swedenburg, 1989: 268). Israeli

censorship of Palestinian self-expression went as far as prohibiting the raising of the

Palestinian flag, the public display of Palestinian national symbols, such as the kufiyya

(Palestinian head scarf), or the use of Palestinian national colors (red, white, and green)

in artistic productions (González, 2009:205; Tripp, 2013b: 118). These impositions,

however, made it easier for every Palestinian to engage in smaller acts of resistance.

Flags, stickers and graffiti appeared everywhere. And in failing to prevent these acts from

emerging, the image of control projected by the Israeli Defense Force (IDF) was

undermined (Tripp, 2013b: 118).

Because these gestures were smaller in nature they helped to engage a larger segment

of the population who would otherwise not have been drawn into acts of resistance and

were essential in preparing the ground for larger grassroots collective actions such as the

First Intifada (Tripp, 2013b: 119-20).

In the Palestinian context, the creation of culture assumes a multitude of political

functions, from mobilization, to evoking feelings of nationality, to bearing witness to the

Israeli occupation (Tawil-Souri, 2011b: 6; McDonald, 2013: 31).

If art is crucial to the construction of community, national sentiments and shared

narratives, the domination of artistic production is crucial to control the “publics’ shared

imagination” (Tripp, 2013a: 187). To that end, the effort applied by the Israeli authorities

into censoring cultural expression is nothing but testimony to the tangible effects of

artistic resistance (Tripp, 2013b: 259-60).

The creation of the Palestinian League of Artists offers a good example. Ignoring the

impact the League would have on the general public, Israeli authorities allowed its

creation in 1973. This collective of artists organized group exhibitions which were

considered as insignificant by the occupying forces. To the Palestinians, however, every

piece of art made public in the presence of the Israelis became a source of “national pride

and self-reassurance”. As these exhibitions came to be perceived as symbols of

resistance, artists became targets of harassment and were often imprisoned and their

works confiscated or subject to censorship (Boullata, 2004: 72).

As the possibilities of engaging in direct political activism are limited, Palestinian’s resort

to cultural activism which, according to Ilan Pappé, equips Palestinian society with a

This event also referred to as Al-Nakba, consisted on the destruction of more than 500 Palestinian villages

and resulted in the expulsion of hundreds of thousands of Palestinians from their land (Masalha, 2014: 34).

Following the Six-day War in 1967, Israel occupied the West Bank and Gaza, which lasted until the signing

of the Oslo Accords in 1993, after which the Palestinians were given limited governance and autonomy:

https://interactive.aljazeera.com/aje/palestineremix/timeline_main.html#tl-4.

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“sense of internalized strength that the Israeli government cannot easily prevent nor

erase” (Pappé, 2011: 75).

4. The Palestinian artistic landscape under military occupation

For the Palestinians, art is an integral part of resistance. And just as the political and

historical events of the conflict have shaped the techniques of resistance, they have also

impacted the aesthetics and themes embraced by the Palestinian cultural movement

(Salih & Richter-Devroe, 2014: 9).

In 1948, following the Nakba – many Palestinians were forced to flee and became

refugees scattered throughout the world. Those who stayed in Palestine, were now under

the sovereignty of Israel, Egypt or Jordan. This geographical distribution of Palestinian

society contributed to the weakening of its internal and political unity, and to the loss of

a common cultural center. By being geographically dispersed, Palestinians had different

experiences of the same conflict (Qumsiyeh, 2011: 236).

The first generation of Palestinian resistance artists emerged from this traumatic event,

and so their experiences of loss, dispersal and destruction were strongly echoed their

artistic output (Boulatta, 2004: 71). A new moment for Palestinian culture came with the

creation of the Palestinian Liberation Organization in 1964. With the appearance of this

entity art became the primary space of political intervention. The 1960s were associated

with the emergence of prominent Palestinian artists such as Ghassan Kanafani, Mahmoud

Darwish and Suleiman Mansour (Salih & Richter-Devroe, 2014: 9; Desai, 2020).

Until the 1980s, however, most Palestinian resistance was armed and mainly

orchestrated by Palestinian organizations operating outside the occupied territories

(Tripp, 2013b: 117). From the establishment of the Palestine Liberation Organization

(PLO) in the early 1960s until the First Intifada (1987-1993), armed resistance and

martyrdom were celebrated and the fida’yi

was the most lionized figure of the Palestinian

resistance (Kahili, 2007: 142-6).

The First Intifada, however, brought new life to the Palestinian resistance and its

celebrated figures (Kahili, 2007: 142-6). During the first uprising Palestinians from all

walks of life engaged in acts of civil disobedience such as strikes, demonstrations and

stone throwing, which resulted in the figure of the fida’yi being replaced by that of the

shahid

(Kahili, 2007: 142-6). From this moment on armed resistance would be avoided

and instead be replaced by “unarmed civil disobedience on a massive scale” (McDonald,

2013: 118; Ehrehreich, 2016: 83).

The disproportionate use of violence against Palestinian civilians by Israel during the First

Intifada provoked a wave of criticism of the Israeli Government worldwide and stimulated

the emergence and growth of “boycott Israel” campaigns and increased support for the

Palestinian people. As a result, Israel began to reassess its policies in Gaza and in the

West Bank. It was within this context that the Israeli Government, now led by Yitzhak

Fida’ya stands for the guerrilla fighter, the redeemer who sacrifices him/herself for the common cause

(Khalili, 2007: 145).

Shahid is a term used to refer to the Palestinians civilians who have been killed in the conflict (Shahid | Just

Vision).

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Rabin, and the PLO chairman Yasser Arafat started the peace negotiations that resulted

in the signing of the Oslo Accords in 1993 (McDonald, 2013: 131-132).

With the signing of the Peace Accords and the establishment of the Palestinian Authority

(PA) in 1994 “the cultural scene was infused with a new energy” and a new artistic period

was born. The new cultural paradigm broke with traditional Palestinian art very much

focused on the themes of “nation, refugeehood and trauma’’ (Boullata, 2004: 72; Salih

& Richter-Devroe, 2014: 9). The time was now of peace and reconciliation and so the

“culture of mourning, sacrifice, and revolution’’ felt no longer necessary (McDonald,

2013: 133-35).

The Accords were intended to end the Israeli occupation, however “attempts to silence

and erase the Palestinian identity and culture did not stop” (Tawil-Souri, 2011b: 5). Less

than a decade later, the Al-Aqsa Intifada (2000-2005) erupted as Palestinians gave vent

to their frustration at the “broken promises and failure of the Oslo Accords” and widely

felt disenchantment with the recently established PA (Pappé, 2011: 229).

The second uprising, though initially peaceful, soon turned violent as both sides resorted

to deadly force (Mason & Falk, 2016: 171). The Palestinians, however, suffered

considerably more condemnation in the international media when compared to Israel

which allowed the Israelis to regain support and sympathy from the international

community (Ackerman, 2001: 64).

Another major outcome of the Second Intifada was the unilateral construction of the

700km Separation Wall

between Israel and the West Bank in 2002 (Tripp, 2013b: 122).

The Wall became a “blank canvas’’ for Palestinian artists and resisters. Powerless to stop

its construction, Palestinians revealed their resilience and adaptability as the Wall became

the primary site where graffiti, and other forms of protest art, are exposed (Larkin, 2014:

156).

5. Contemporary Graffiti in Palestine: a case worth studying

Graffiti has always been an important element of the Palestinian resistance movement.

Palestinians employ graffiti, as noted by Love and Mattern (2013), as the “pervasive

commodification of art and culture” for political purposes (Love & Mattern, 2013: 298).

Graffiti has been, and still is, used by the Palestinian resistance movement as a form of

political activism, through which an intentional effort to challenge the political future and

community development is made (Love & Mattern, 2013: 339).

Furthermore, graffiti has many advantages for its creators. Firstly, the costs are low and

the necessary tools (e.g. spray cans) are easily available. Secondly, by being situated

outside mainstream media, it benefits from freedom of speech, and thirdly the anonymity

protects the author from potential retaliation (White, 2001: 257; Rodriguez & Clair, 1999:

2).

The advantages of graffiti are not exhausted with the graffiter. As an object of study,

graffiti has the potential to offer relevant insights into the mind of those who create it,

Israel began the construction of the Separation Wall in 2002. The ‘’security fence’’ is 708 km long and

annexes 9,4% of Palestinian territory of the West Bank (Larkin, 2014: 134).

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The Art of Resistance: Art and Resistance in Palestine

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but also into social issues and community concerns (Ferrel, 1995: 75; Ley & Cybriwsky,

1974: 492), Thus, graffiti can provide a level of understanding of a community or group

that should not be underestimated (Klingman & Shalev, 2001: 405; Waldner & Dobratz,

2013: 378).

Essentially, graffiti allows ideas ignored by other media to enter the public discourse and

offers an avenue of political expression to anonymous individuals and marginalized

groups (Hanauer, 2004: 30). Within the relationships of power, graffiti represents a direct

challenge to authority and its attempts to assert control over the public space (Waldner

& Dobratz, 2013: 379).

Graffiti is what Bayat describes as “street politics”. According to the author, street politics

represent the conflicts between the populace and authority that are formed and

expressed in the physical and social space of the streets. The streets offer those without

access to a formal political arena a stage where they can express their political ideals

and concerns (Bayat, 1997: 63).

As a form of communication, graffiti intentionally interacts with an audience to incite civic

engagement, political participation and resistance (Bruner & Kelso, 1980: 241; Rodriguez

& Clair, 1999: 2). By being visible in the public space, graffiti is a significant tool of

resistance as every passer-by is a potentially new challenger to the status quo (Rodriguez

& Clair, 1999: 3).

The “street” is the place where individuals mobilize or are mobilized by others with whom

they do not necessarily share an “active network”. Instead, “street mobilization” is

possible due to what have been defined as “passive networks”, i.e. the unspoken

acknowledgement of a shared identity between individuals that permits the creation of a

web of communication between others that are unknown to the graffiti artist. The

possibility of spontaneous group action turns the streets into an important element of

any resistance effort, and it is for this reason that unpopular governments watch them

so closely. Even if authorities prohibit public demonstrations and gatherings, they cannot

forbid people from walking, working, driving and experiencing street life (Bayat, 1997:

64-6).

In Palestine, graffiti found its most notable expression as a political act during the First

Intifada (1987-1993) and after the construction of the “Security Wall’’ by Israel in 2002

(Peteet, 1996: 139; Hanauer, 2011: 301).

As explored previously, by the time of the First Intifada a complex system of media

censorship had been established which forced everyday political activity to move

underground and graffiti to become the major means of communication and mobilization

(Bishara, 2009: 5-7). During this period, the language most commonly used in graffiti

was Arabic which suggests that the content was directed at an internal audience (Peteet,

1996: 150).

In addition to encouraging resistance, inciting action (e.g. “Monday is strike”), updating

the community on the progress of the uprising and celebrating martyrdom, graffiti was

in itself an act of civil disobedience. Deemed illegal under Israeli Military Regulations,

writing on walls was a clear act of defiance and a challenge to Israeli territorial claims

(Peteet, 1996: 140-6).

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The signing of the Oslo Accords in 1993 and the end of the First Intifada did not mean

an end to the production of graffiti. With the creation of the PA, Palestinians were given

a certain degree of self-governance and official Palestinian broadcast media, namely the

radio station Voice of Palestine and Palestine TV, were established in 1994 (Bishara,

2009: 8-9). Consequently, graffiti stopped being such a crucial communication tool, and

writing on walls was no longer as dangerous leading to graffiti losing some of its appeal

as a way of resisting the occupation. Nonetheless, graffiti continued to denounce the

Israeli occupation but was also focused on criticizing the PA government and expressing

the general disenchantment with the Oslo Accords (Tripp, 2013b: 275-6).

The outbreak of the Second Intifada in 2000 led to the construction of the Separation

Wall in 2002. The Wall brought a new depth to the role of graffiti as part of the Palestinian

resistance struggle (Larkin, 2014: 135-6).

In contrast to the First Intifada, the main language now present on the Wall is English

suggesting a change not only in the demographic of the artists, mostly foreign, but also

that the targeted audience is now the international community (Gould, 2014: 9).

As a blank canvas for political intervention, the Separation Wall attracts many

international artists who use it to express solidarity with Palestinians or to criticize Israel

and its political allies. Interventions on the Wall by internationally renowned artists, such

as Banksy

, receive much international attention and praise and have helped to generate

tourist, media and public interest in the Palestinian cause

(Larkin, 2014: 143-157).

Another indicator that Wall graffiti is meant for international consumption is the common

use of internationally recognized symbols of liberation and resistance, such as Nelson

Mandela, Ghandi or the Statue of Liberty in murals. If artists frame their message and

manipulate symbolic elements in ways that will resonate more with the target audience

(Toenjes, 2015: 57-9), then by using these internationally recognized symbols of

resistance and emancipation, artists are framing the Palestinian experience not as unique

to them, but rather as an integral part of the global struggle for freedom and liberation

(Alim, 2020: 74-5).

Despite attracting a lot of international attention, the local community has received the

work of foreign artists on the Wall with ambivalence as some consider that it not only

beautifies and legitimizes the most symbolic element of the occupation, but also receives

more scholarly and media attention than that created by local artists (Larkin, 2014: 144).

Others have also remarked that framing the Palestinian struggle in universalized terms

diminishes its message as it obscures its unique specificities and makes it harder for the

Palestinian perspective to be heard and risks diluting the power of graffiti as tool of

resistance (Gould, 2014: 13; Alim, 2020: 75). An example of this was an intervention on

In a 2011 study of the graffiti present on the Separation Wall, in the area surrounding the neighbourhood

Abu Dis (Jerusalem) it was found that 66.7% of the graffiti present were in English, and that only 3.8% was

in Arabic (Hanauer, 2011: 308).

Since 2005, several graffiti linked to Banksy can be seen in Palestine. Banksy’s interventions in Palestine

are not unique to the Separation Wall. They can also be found in the streets of Gaza, Bethlehem and

Jerusalem (Tapies, 2016).

Graffiti on the Separation Wall, particularly those signed by internationally acclaimed artists, such as Banksy

and JR, attract many political and conflict tourists to Palestine. The higher demand for ‘’conflict tourism’’

encouraged various non-governmental organizations and tourist companies, both Palestinian and Israeli, to

organize ‘’Wall tours’’ and prompted locals to open souvenir shops and other tourist related businesses

(Larkin, 2014: 143-157).

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The Art of Resistance: Art and Resistance in Palestine

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the Wall named “Face 2 Face”

by the French artists JR and Marco that, despite receiving

much international praise, was not as well received by the Palestinian community.

Consisting of the “largest illegal photography exhibition ever’’, the project contained large

photographs of Palestinians and Israelis that shared the same profession, next to each

other, on both sides of the Separation Wall, as well as in several Palestinian and Israeli

cities. The objective was to highlight the similarities between the two people and, by

doing so, affirm that the dialogue between them and the achievement of peace was

possible

. Yet, in an interview conducted by Larkin in 2010 of a Palestinian mechanic

named Hani, the feedback about the exhibition was not as hopeful: "Of course we are

similar, but we do not have the same rights or the same lives" (Hani in Larkin, 2014:

145).

Substantial differences exist between graffiti on sections of the Wall that surround

popular tourist spots from that aimed at an internal audience and found in Palestinian

villages or refugee camps. When directed at the domestic audience, graffiti is used to

give visual support to the political struggle. The focus tends to be on supporting political

prisoners, celebrating martyrdom and drawing attention to historically important events.

Aesthetic considerations are perceived as secondary (Alim, 2020: 70; Larkin, 2014: 151-

2).

Graffiti produced by Palestinian artists can offer a deeper understanding of the Palestinian

perspective on the occupation, of the struggles that are unique to them and on the nature

of the local resistance movement. However, far more media and scholarly attention is

given to the graffiti on the Wall directed at the international audience (Larkin, 2014:

144).

I suggest that analysis of graffiti produced by local Palestinian artists outside areas of

mainstream media and tourist attention is relevant as it can reveal important details

about the Palestinian resistance movement today and the Palestinian’s political demands

and aspirations. Moreover, I argue that the interpretation of the symbolic elements used

and martyrs celebrated by artists in their graffiti can reveal their political positions and

affiliations, the type of resistance techniques they are willing to pursue and what future

they envisage for Palestine (Young, 2020: 43-45).

To that end, I used social media, namely Instagram, to contact a twenty-five-year-old

Palestinian graffiti artist named Mohamd Alraee (@mohamd_alraee), living in the Aroub

Refugee Camp

. I asked Mohamd if he could share some pictures of his work with me

and had the opportunity to ask him some questions. I was interested in understanding

how often Mohamd created graffiti, if he was doing it individually or as part of a group

and, finally, what message he was trying to transmit. Mohamd told me that he created

graffiti alone and on a regular basis, and further explained that:

“Most of the time it is a political message, like resistance, you know… [The message]

can’t be subjective in Palestine. [Resistance] is part of our daily life and reality. Other

More information about the ‘’Face 2 Face’’ project is available here: https://www.jr-art.net/projects/israel-

palestine.

Ibid.

The Aroub refugee camp is located in the southern West Bank, between the cities of Bethlehem and Hebron.

Around 10.000 live in the camp, which is characterized by high unemployment rates, overcrowding and

poor living conditions: Aroub Camp | UNRWA.

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times it is connected to a community matter… but it is always political, specially living in

a refugee camp” (Mohamd Alraee, in Young, 2020: 44).

From this statement alone, it becomes apparent that, contrary to the graffiti present on

the Wall, Mohmad is seeking to speak to the local community, to encourage resistance

by his peers and to criticize authority, not only Israeli, but also Palestinian (Young, 2020:

44).

Furthermore, what is common to all Palestinian parties and political organizations is the

revolutionary struggle against colonialism. There are, however, differences between

them, particularly their role models and alliances which vary according to their agendas

and ideologies (Khalili, 2007: 49). Moreover, another indication of different political

positions is the martyrs they idolize (Khalili, 2007: 133). I suggest that the same logic

can be applied to analysis of the graffiti created by Mohamd: the idolized martyrs,

symbolic elements and signs present in his work are indicative not only of his political

views and affiliations, but also of what type of resistance he expects from the Palestinian

liberation movement (Young, 2020: 45).

In the pictures, Mohamd provided me with three distinct but nonetheless cohesive

symbolic figures: Che Guevara, the Fida’yi and Basel al Aa’raj (covered with the red and

white keffiyeh). What is cohesive in these symbols and colors is that they are frequently

associated with the PFLP (Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine).

The PFLP is a paramilitary and secular Palestinian political organization ideologically

based on liberation/Marxist principles whose origins date back to the late 1960s. The

party, as a collective, rejected the notion of “victimhood” and instead replaced it with the

heroic narrative of the guerrilla fighter and defended the use of arms (Khalili, 2007: 164).

Figure 1. Mural of Che Guevara, Aroub refugee camp, 2020.

Credits: Photograph courtesy of Mohamd Alraee.

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Che Guevara (Figure 1) is a very important symbol within the common perception of the

PFLP. As a revolutionary figure, Che Guevara is associated with the adoption of guerrilla

techniques as opposed to “conventional armies” and to the celebration of martyrdom as

a core element of resistance (Khalili, 2007: 132; Che Guevara, 1961: 25-46).

Figure 2. Mural of a fida’yi (guerrilla fighter), Aroub refugee camp, 2020.

Credits: Photograph courtesy of Mohamd Alraee/ Bulletin Nº 48 from the

PFLP, 1981. Designer: Marc Rudin.

In the same vein, in the PFLP narrative of armed resistance the image of the fida’yi was

celebrated as heroic and the image of the martyr associated with the figure of the

guerrilla fighter (Figure 2) (Khalili, 2007: 111).

Although the importance of this figure faded with the outbreak of the First Intifada,

Mohamd still celebrates Basel al Aa’raj, the “educated martyr” (Figure 3). He explained

that Aa’raj was a young political activist, highly educated, who was killed by the Israeli

military in 2017. Mohamd then proceeded to explain that Aa’raj was not only vocal

against Israel but also against the PA

, because, in his words:

“They stopped fighting against the Israelis and instead followed a neoliberal way, settling

for economic freedom… [The dissatisfaction with the PA is] a sentiment shared by a lot

of Palestinians but not by all of them” (Mohamd Alrae in Young, 2020: 47).

https://www.palestineposterproject.org/poster/pflp-bulletin-number-48.

https://electronicintifada.net/content/dismantle-it-and-let-them-fall/31281.

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Figure 3. Mural of Basel al Aa’raj, Aroub refugee camp, 2020

Credits: Photograph courtesy of Mohamd Alraee.

Aa’raj was part of the new generation of young Palestinian leaders determined to

“revitalize the stagnant Palestinian national movement”

and, since his passing, became

one of the best-known symbols of youth resistance in Palestine, not only as a symbol of

opposition to the PA but also as the modern embodiment of the Pre-Oslo revolutionary

sentiment.

Additionally, Aa’raj has been compared to Ghassan Kanafani (Figure 4), a novelist,

journalist and martyr from the late 1960s

. Kanafani, killed by the Israeli military forces

in 1972, was a spokesman for the PFLP and acknowledged as the “archetype of the

nationalist intellectual”. It was his belief that both “penmanship and fighting” should be

employed in the Palestinian resistance efforts (Khalili, 2007: 133; Desai, 2020).

The image of Kanafani, his literature and revolutionary ideals are associated with a period

in Palestinian history in which art was conceived as a fundamental element of the

Palestinian struggle for liberation and in which resistance was seen in a collective sense,

a sentiment that many considered was lost with the signing of the Oslo Accords in 1993

(Desai, 2020).

The Assassination of Basel al-Araj: How the Palestinian Authority Stamps Out Opposition - Al-Shabaka.

https://electronicintifada.net/content/bassel-al-araj-icon-lost-generation/31051.

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Figure 4. Ghassan Kanafani at his office in Beirut (1970).

Credits: Bruno Barbey.

Like Kanafani, Aa’raj was also committed to the revolution and believed in the power of

both the pen and the gun. He rejected the adoption of the post Oslo defeat as an ideology

and advocated for the pre-Intifada revolutionary spirit (Desai, 2020). And, similarly to

Che Guevara, he believed that the struggle should be carried out by the fida’yi

Critics have suggested that the Palestinian resistance “grew tired of itself”, that graffiti

lost its appeal as of tool of resistance and mobilization as it no longer offers messages of

hope nor concrete solutions (Gould, 2014: 9). However, if we acknowledge that graffiti

offers powerful insights into the mind and political-ideological orientations of its creator,

and that on a higher level it reflects community concerns, then the graffiti produced by

artists like Mohamd Alrae deserves great consideration. I suggest that by interpreting

the murals made by Mohamd, we can determine his attitude towards the contemporary

Palestinian resistance movement: Mohamd celebrates Basel al Aa’raj, who is seen today

as symbolizing the struggle of the new generation. He was a strong critic of the post Oslo

mindset and instead celebrated the culture and morals of the First Intifada, in which

resistance was marked by collective struggle and sacrifice. He also celebrated Che

Guevara, a figure that became one of the most celebrated icons of the Palestinian

liberation movement from the 1960s until the eruption of the First Intifada.

Lastly, Mohamd revives the figure of the fida’yi, which as previously argued, lost its

importance with the First Intifada. To bring back this once so important symbolic element,

I believe, is to state that the pre-Intifada spirit is not lost, that the guerrilla fighter is still

a relevant figure today and that the revolution continues. By the martyrs he celebrates

https://www.palestineposterproject.org/poster/ghassan-kanafani-in-his-office.

https://electronicintifada.net/content/dismantle-it-and-let-them-fall/3128.

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and symbolic elements he chooses to represent it would seem fair to conclude that

Mohamd is in step with the new wave of Palestinian youth that contests not only the

Israeli military occupation but also the authority and legitimacy of the PA.

Conclusion

Resistance in Palestine is part of a collective effort born of an awareness of sumud that

is deeply rooted in every Palestinian’s sense of self. Simply by continuing to exist and

live their lives, Palestinians are resisting the occupation and jeopardizing Israeli claims

over the land. Since the beginning of the occupation, Palestinians have resorted to

nonviolent means, one of which is art, to resist the constant violent onslaught against

them. Palestinian art mostly produced under extreme scrutiny and censorship has been

integral to the construction of the Palestinian identity and sense of togetherness and to

challenging the Zionist version of history.

As a political act and a challenge to the status quo, Palestinian art finds its most

expressive form in graffiti. Graffiti was one of the most important means of

communication in the Palestinian community during the First Intifada (1987-1993), and

its importance as an element of resistance continues to this day.

The construction of the Separation Wall in 2002 provided a blank canvas on which, not

only Palestinians but also international artists and activists, could express opposition to

the Israeli government and its international allies through murals, graffiti and posters.

Predominately written in English and located in areas popular with tourists, these

messages often frame the Palestinian experience in universal terms in the hope of

bringing the Palestinian struggle into the international political arena.

To focus only in these messages, however, may lead to a deeper understanding about

the Palestinian perspective on the occupation being lost. To avoid this, it is important to

consider graffiti produced by local Palestinian artists and located outside the mainstream

sites of tourist and media attention, as this analysis can offer insights into the artists

political-ideological orientation but also clues to Palestinian political demands and

aspirations, and relevant conclusions about the state of Palestinian resistance today.

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