as the author says, “founded the demands for the creation of elementary schools and
secondary education courses, calling for compliance with the norms related to tax
contribution”, both through individual and collective petitions that reached the Cortes.
The subsídio literário tax ended up allowing municipalities to use their contributions in
elementary education and the acquisition of technical skills to leverage development and
economic growth in line with the essential values of the ideas of freedom, equality and
justice. With this work, one more field of continuity between the Ancien Régime and
Liberalism was evidenced in one of the fundamental areas for the constitutional
monarchy.
The article by Ana Cristina Araújo (University of Coimbra) focuses on three associations
that, at the end of the 18th century and beginning of the 19th century, contributed to
the construction of networks of public social organizations, providing, therefore, the
debate of ideas about the philosophical modernity of the Enlightenment: the Mancebos
Patriotas society based in Coimbra (1780), the Montepio Literário (1813) and the
Sociedade Patriótica Literária de Lisboa (1822). These philanthropic associations stood
out, above all, in the dissemination and political and social communication within a public
atmosphere emerging from the transformations that were, in the words of the author,
taking place "in the spaces, agents and mechanisms of literary, cultural, scientific and
sociability politics in Portuguese society. All this under the influence of the Enlightenment,
marked by new perceptions of encyclopaedist culture and philosophy, and taking into
account the well-known channels of access to foreign printed production through the
clandestine circulation of books, periodicals, literary and theatre novelties”. This civic
participation grew in leisure spaces and in literary gatherings fed by cultural elites who
also ended up operating changes in the way knowledge was shared, and in the use of
social interactions to improve debate and political and social criticism. These new forms
of sociability have therefore become central to the reinforcement of modernity and as a
support for liberal ideas.
The work of Luís Tomé (Universidade Autónoma de Lisboa) focuses on the various
international orders limited in time and space which, arising from liberal revolutions,
inspired new doctrines and ideologies that would mark the emergence of para-
democratic, liberal regimes, the Nation-State, multilateralism and institutionalism, In the
author's words, this “would mark several and distinct worldviews on the “international
order” that emerged in Europe and spread as a result of the colonial domination and
expansion of the European powers”. The matrix of this liberal international order, which
does not mean “world order”, is dominated by the American model and reflects the values
and interests of its culture. However, the contradictions and paradoxes of the liberal
order led to its deconstruction, especially given the “economic hyper globalization” that
legitimized certain autocracies and favoured the growth of world power in China. This
country, together with Russia, export authoritarianism and the doctrine of “non-
interference in internal affairs”, which ended up subverting the principles of coexistence
of nations in respect for international rules. We are, therefore, facing a work that invites
us to reflect on the externalization of liberal revolutions, which is quite evident in the
case of the liberal revolution in Portugal.
The study by António Pedro Manique (Instituto Politécnico de Santarém) addresses
the right to dissolve the elective chambers of parliaments which, in Portugal, according
to the Constitution of 1826, belonged to the so-called “fourth power”, the moderating
power that coexisted with the traditional legislative, executive and judicial powers. This
power, in addition to the tripartite division, belonged exclusively to the monarch, in
addition to the executive power, of which he was the head. In this sense, one of the royal
powers within the scope of this moderating power was the dissolution of the Chamber of
Deputies when the reasons for the “salvation of the State” required it, therefore, only in
exceptional situations. The author points out that this royal prerogative became
trivialized, “becoming a political instrument used by governments to obtain parliamentary
majorities through the use of fraudulent elections”. Thus, António Pedro Manique