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e-ISSN: 1647-7251
Vol. 12, Nº. 2 (November 2021-April 2022)
89
CABO VERDE AND THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
A BICENTENNIAL RELATIONSHIP
JOÃO PAULO MADEIRA
joao.madeira@docente.unicv.edu.cv
Assistant Professor at the University of Cabo Verde (Uni-CV, Cabo Verde) and Coordinator of the
International Relations and Diplomacy course. Researcher at the Centre for Public Administration
and Public Policies (CAPP-ISCSP-UL). PhD in Social Sciences from the University of Lisbon
(ISCSP-UL), having completed in 2018 a mobility post-doctoral programme by the Calouste
Gulbenkian Foundation at FCT NOVA as a member of the Network of Environmental Studies of
the Portuguese Speaking Countries (REALP).
.
Abstract
Changes in the distribution of world power suggest that insular countries such as Cabo
Verde should diversify international cooperation and thus ensure long-term benefits. This
premise, combined with principles of solidarity, mutual respect, transparency and
responsibility has enabled the signing of various agreements between Cabo Verde and the
United States of America in the areas of security and defence, development aid policy,
democracy and human rights. This article critically discusses the main gains achieved in the
relationship between the United States of America and Cabo Verde, an former Portuguese
colony until July 1975 and, after that date, an independent state, with the purpose of
providing an analytical framework to respond to the current challenges. To do this, an
exploratory qualitative study was carried out based on bibliographical and documentary
analysis. The article concludes that Cabo Verde and the United States of America have been
following the evolution of the international community, taking into account the importance
in the region where the archipelago is inserted, sharing synergies and exchanging
experiences in matters of development, defence and security.
Keywords
Cabo Verde, United States of America, Bilateral relations, Defence and security,
Development.
How to cite this article
Madeira, João Paulo. Cabo Verde and the United States of America: a bicentennial
relationship. Janus.net, e-journal of international relations. Vol12, Nº. 2, November 2021-
April 2022.Consulted [online] on the date of the last visit, https://doi.org/10.26619/1647-
7251.12.2.7
Article received on May 4, 2021 and accepted for publication on September 8, 2021
JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations
e-ISSN: 1647-7251
Vol. 12, Nº. 2 (November 2021-April 2022), pp. 89-107
Cabo Verde and the United States of America: a bicentennial relationship
João Paulo Madeira
90
CABO VERDE AND THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
A BICENTENNIAL RELATIONSHIP
JOÃO PAULO MADEIRA
Introduction
The international system is currently characterised by the distribution of powers. As a
result, it is necessary to establish alliances based on strategic alignments based on
common principles, values and interests. States establish forms of relationship with
other states to promote and consolidate their interests.
Relations between Cabo Verde and the United States of America (USA) originated in the
18th century. Three key moments in this history stand out: the first is the passage
through Cabo Verde of a considerable number of Africans who were victims of the slave
trade bound for the American continent; the second is related to the activity of
American whaling ships from New Bedford and Nantucket in the Cabo Verde seas; the
third follows the intensification of trade routes between the USA and West Africa
(Lobban, 2018). The archipelago came to prominence by trading and exporting
products to the USA and in particular to the city of Boston (Brooks, 1970; 2010;
Duncan, 1972). This relationship and permanent forms of dialogue followed where the
islands saw emigration as an opportunity to improve the living conditions.
Currently, the most representative Cabo Verdean communities are concentrated in the
state of Massachusetts (capital Boston and nearby cities and towns such as Quincy,
Randolph, Somerville and Cambridge) and south of Boston (Brockton, Taunton, Fall
River, New Bedford, Cape Cod and Wareham) and the states of Rhode Island
(Providence, Pawtucket, East Providence and Central Falls), Connecticut (Bridgeport
and Waterbury), Florida, California, New Jersey, Virginia, Maryland, New York and
Georgia (MOTT, 2020; Lima-Neves, 2015). The diaspora is over 250,000 (UN News,
2020) and is represented by the Cabo Verde Embassy in Washington, D.C. and the
Consulate General in Boston, Quincy, Massachusetts.
Currently, the most representative Cabo Verdean communities are concentrated in the
state of Massachusetts (capital Boston and nearby cities and towns such as Quincy,
Randolph, Somerville and Cambridge) and south of Boston (Brockton, Taunton, Fall
River, New Bedford, Cape Cod and Wareham) and the states of Rhode Island
(Providence, Pawtucket, East Providence and Central Falls), Connecticut (Bridgeport
and Waterbury), Florida, California, New Jersey, Virginia, Maryland, New York and
JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations
e-ISSN: 1647-7251
Vol. 12, Nº. 2 (November 2021-April 2022), pp. 89-107
Cabo Verde and the United States of America: a bicentennial relationship
João Paulo Madeira
91
Georgia (MOTT, 2020; Lima-Neves, 2015). The diaspora is over 250,000 (UN News,
2020) and is represented by the Cabo Verde Embassy in Washington, D.C. and the
Consulate General in Boston, Quincy, Massachusetts.
The USA sees Cabo Verde as an important partner that, since independence in July
1975, has committed itself to building a rule of law that promotes democracy,
transparency and accountability of public institutions. Indeed, Cabo Verde is a state
that ensures independence, responsibility and impartiality of the courts and the Public
Prosecutor's Office, where civil and political rights are respected and the freedoms of
expression, association and the press, among others, is safeguarded. It firmly defends
the values of pluralist democracy and the rule of law and is based on the idea that the
promotion of peace, security and social and economic development constitute the best
option. The archipelago maintains relations with partners, whether countries or regions,
based on trust, equality and reciprocity. Cabo Verde has sought, despite several
limitations, to give consistency to domestic and foreign policies, approaching countries
that are part of the southern hemisphere and simultaneously of the north to strengthen
its diplomatic agenda. However, one may ask, what have been Cabo Verde's main
gains in its relationship with the USA? What strategies should the archipelago adopt for
its foreign policy?
The uncertainty and unpredictability that characterise the current international situation
require countries such as Cabo Verde to adopt a stance based on pragmatism in their
foreign policy (Graça, 2014; Madeira, 2016b). In this context, the historical relationship
with the USA can be highlighted as an important anchor as the relations of more than
two centuries that has united these two peoples. It is expected that together the
countries will adopt a more committed stance and action articulated in principles and
values with a view to addressing challenges that are common in security and defence,
trade, development aid policy, democracy and human rights.
Cabo Verde, like other small island states, sees foreign policy as a resource for its
development and an opportunity to participate in and be useful to the international
community. The current financial crisis has been particularly affected partners such as
the European Union and the USA. The situation is aggravated when the country is faced
with other structural constraints, such as the substantial reduction in Official
Development Assistance and the loss of some international grants, with the country still
dependent on credit lines/concessional loans. This was accentuated after January 2008
when Cabo Verde moved to the category of Middle-Income Country. All these
challenges have encouraged political leaders to rethink foreign policy in an attempt to
create new models that point to the self-sustainability. Yet Cabo Verdean diplomacy
has given signs of the ability to interpreted and responded to problems that, over time,
embodied the promotion of various strategic partnerships for the development of the
archipelago (Costa & Pinto, 2014).
Cabo Verde-United States: a two centuries old historical relationship
Discovered between 1460 and 1462 by navigators in the service of the Portuguese
crown, Cabo Verde served as an important hub for navigation and the slave trade, and
the American continent stood out as one of the main destinations (Caldeira, 2013). The
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relationship between these two peoples is configured in what Thornton (2012) calls a
history as old as the formation of the Atlantic World.
With independence on 4 July 1776 and the process of industrialisation from 1865
onwards, the USA gradually asserted itself, becoming militarily, economically and
technologically the main superpower of the post-World War II era. The strategy was to
develop forms of relationship with practically every country in the world. Friendly
relations between Cabo Verde and the USA existed for more than two centuries, to the
extent that in December 1818 the first US Consulate in sub-Saharan Africa was
installed in Praia. Samuel Hodges, a businessman and native of Massachusetts,
presented his credentials to Governor António Pusich as the first American Consul in
Cabo Verde. The installation of the consulate was the result of an important element
from a historical and diplomatic point of view
1
(Tolentino, 2019). This period
undoubtedly marks the first steps in relations between these two peoples in their
various forms, as a Colony until 1951 and then as an Overseas Province
2
until the
proclamation of independence in 1975.
In terms of nation state building, Cabo Verde is, in the African context, a particular
case and therefore deserves special attention. The opening of the consulate took place
approximately one hundred and fifty-seven years before Cabo Verde's independence.
Although these relations passed through Portugal until 1975, from that date on they
took place between sovereign and independent states. This discussion reinforces the
idea that nationhood in Cabo Verde precedes the creation of the independent state by
centuries. This differentiates it from most African countries, where it is the state that
has been promoting the formation of the nation (Madeira, 2016a). The construction of
the Cabo Verdean nation is based on a long-term historical movement that began with
the settlement in the 15th century, corresponding to the progressive structuring of the
social formation engendered on the islands, with its uniqueness and correlative
sociocultural patterns (Madeira, 2018).
Between 1900 and 1920, the USA received emigrants from the archipelago, mostly
from the islands of Fogo and Brava, who ventured out on ships that caught cetaceans
in the Cabo Verdean seas (Carreira, 1982). Although undocumented, the emigrants
managed to enter American territory, fleeing the misery and poor living conditions that
plagued the islands, especially the resulting crisis of subsistence caused by the
prolonged drought between 1890 and 1903, which culminated in the famines of 1903
and 1904 (Carreira, 1977).
1
Activities commemorating the two hundredth anniversary of diplomatic relations between Cabo Verde and
the USA took place in December 2018. This ephemeris is rightly reinforced by the fact that the first
American Consulate in sub-Saharan Africa was established in 1818. In the 19th century, whale oil was
used for lighting and many whaling ships sailed from New England to the seas of Cabo Verde, since it was
a privileged location for the capture, transhipment, processing, landing and trade of this important
substance extracted from the fat of whales fished. Cabo Verdeans participated in the fishing industry in
the New England region and the Cranberry Peatlands. In 1843 the USA established the African Squadron
in Cabo Verde for the purpose of capturing slave-trading ships (Canney, 2006). Another equally important
historical fact refers to the participation of Cabo Verdeans in the United States War of Independence
between 1775 and 1783 (U.S. Embassy in Cabo Verde, 2018; 2019).
2
See in this regard, Pimenta (2014: 252): 'The Revision of 1951 incorporated the Colonial Act into the
Portuguese Constitution, with the title "Do Ultramar Português", while the Organic Charter of the
Portuguese Colonial Empire was replaced by the Organic Law of Overseas. It was a transformation mainly
of aesthetics, i.e. of terminology: the expressions "Portuguese Colonial Empire" and "Colonies" were
replaced by "Portuguese Overseas" and "Portuguese Overseas Provinces".
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e-ISSN: 1647-7251
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João Paulo Madeira
93
Despite the close relations that existed for more than two centuries, the zof cooperation
only became possible in July 1975, when the USA recognised Cabo Verde as an
independent state. In 1977, two years after independence, Cabo Verde opened its first
consulate in Boston to strengthen cooperation and support its diaspora in the USA
(Amado, 2014).
Although these are two countries with substantially different weights in the
international system, Cabo Verde and the USA have been engaged in a cooperative
relationship that takes economic growth and security cooperation as central aspects.
Over four decades, several agreements considered strategic have been signed,
including: the Millennium Challenge Account (MCA), the African Growth and
Opportunity Act (AGOA) and the Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA).
Table 1: Main Milestones of Bilateral Relations Cabo Verde-USA
Period
Main events
XVIII
century
USA ships catch cetaceans in Cabo Verde seas.
1818
Opening in Praia of the first US Consulate in Sub-Saharan Africa.
From 1900
onwards
Cabo Verdeans emigrate to the USA on whaling ships.
1975
The USA recognises Cabo Verde's independence.
1977
Opening of the first Cabo Verdean consulate in Boston.
1983
Official opening of the US Embassy in Cabo Verde.
2004
Cabo Verde benefits from the Millennium Challenge Account (MCA) Programme.
2005
Cabo Verde signs the first MCA Compact which ran until 2010.
2007
Cabo Verde benefits from the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA).
2008
Cabo Verde cooperates with the US Africa Command (AFRICOM).
2009
Hillary Clinton, 67th Secretary of State of the United States visits Cabo Verde.
2010
Installation of the Maritime Security Operations Centre (COSMAR) in Cabo Verde
with USA funding.
Ambassador J. Anthony Holmes, AFRICOM Deputy Commander visits Cabo Verde
2012
The archipelago signs the II Compact of the MCA which was in force until 2017.
2015
Group of US Senators visit Cabo Verde.
2016
Cabo Verde hosts the US military exercise Epic Guardian.
2017
Cabo Verde signs Status of Forces Agreements (SOFA) with the USA.
2018
The President of the Republic of Cabo Verde ratifies the SOFA.
Ambassador Alexander Laskaris, Deputy Commander of AFRICOM visits Cabo Verde.
Cabo Verde interested in hosting the headquarters of the North American Military
Command for Africa.
Cabo Verde hosts the Africa Endeavor Symposium organised by AFRICOM.
Beginning of the bicentennial celebrations of the friendly relations between Cabo
Verde and the USA.
2019
Admiral James G. Foggo III, Commander of the Joint Allied Force Command Naples,
United States Naval Force in Europe and Africa, visits Cabo Verde.
Government authorises BCV to issue coin commemorating 200 years of USA-Cabo
Verde friendship.
The University of Cabo Verde, in partnership with the Embassy of the United States
of America in Cabo Verde promotes events in honour of the 200th anniversary of the
relations between Cabo Verde and the USA.
2020
The United States provides more than US$1.5 million to assist Cabo Verde in
response capacity to COVID-19.
Mike Pompeo, 70th Secretary of State of the United States, on the occasion of the
45th anniversary of Cabo Verde's independence, praises the relationship between
the USA and Cabo Verde of more than 200 years and says that the USA intends to
support Cabo Verde in "development efforts" and maritime security.
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Cabo Verde and the United States of America: a bicentennial relationship
João Paulo Madeira
94
2021
USA provides US$1 million to Cabo Verde to strengthen criminal justice and combat
organised crime.
On March 30, the governments of Cabo Verde and the USA held their Third Bilateral
Partnership Dialogue, which was attended by government representatives from both
countries and hosted by the Minister of Foreign Affairs and Communities and
Defence of Cabo Verde, Rui Figueiredo Soares and the Acting Assistant Secretary of
State of the United States of America, Robert F. Godec.
On April 23, the Minister of Foreign Affairs and Communities and of Defence of Cabo
Verde, Rui Figueiredo Soares, received the AFRICOM/US Department of Defence
team that supported the Cabo Verdean government in the delivery of the first
shipment of vaccines against Covid-19 to the islands of Fogo, São Vicente, o
Nicolau, Sal, Boa Vista and Maio.
On 4 July, the first stone was laid for the construction of the new US Embassy on
4.5 hectares of land adjacent to the Government Palace in Praia and representing an
investment of over US$400 million by the US Government in the bilateral
relationship.
Source: elaborated by the author based on Tolentino (2019), U.S. Department of State (2019),
U.S. Embassy in Cabo Verde and analysis of data collected on the Inforpress website since 2018.
Millennium Challenge Account and the impact on development in Cabo
Verde
Cabo Verde's development has been thanks to the good management of Official
Development Aid (ODA) and other international support. These efforts are recognised
by countries and international organizations, especially with regard to compliance with
the principles of democracy, good governance, transparency and respect for the rule of
law. Based on these factors, Cabo Verde was awarded two compacts under the
Millennium Challenge Account (MCA) Programme that have stood out as one of the
main instruments of cooperation between the archipelago and the USA.
The MCA is an ambitious US Government Programme administered by the Millennium
Challenge Corporation (MCC) through a foreign assistance agency created in 2004 by
the US Congress. This programme essentially aims to reward countries that
demonstrate a commitment to good governance, economic freedom and investment in
their citizens (Mawdsley, 2007). For the USA, economic and social policies and
democratic governance guarantee economic growth for the most vulnerable
populations. This programme encourages countries to invest in infrastructure (roads
and ports), energy, agriculture, land titling and property rights, water and sanitation,
health and education (Resende-Santos, 2020: 109) and in promoting an economic and
trade liberalisation agenda (Soederberg, 2004; Brainard, Graham & Purvis, 2003).
Cabo Verde applied for the MCA in 2004. From a list of 75 developing countries, it was
ranked first place among the group of African countries and second place in the global
ranking. Subsequently, the archipelago signed the 1st Compact on 4 July 2005, which
was in force for a period of five years. The programme was financed to a total amount
of approximately US$110 million.
The main objective of the 1st Compact was to improve infrastructure. Among the
various financings, the expansion and modernisation of the Port of Praia and the
construction and improvement of roads and bridges stand out. Furthermore,
investment was made in the agricultural sector, namely in the field of capturing and
using water and in agricultural production on the islands of Santo Antão, São Nicolau
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and Fogo, as well as in the public and private sector, thus promoting reform of the
financial intermediation system and increasing competition in access to treasury bonds.
These investments aimed at supporting Cabo Verde in economic transformation,
making it less dependent on remittances and international aid (Cardoso, 2014).
Investment in the agricultural sector allowed for improved management of water
resources and soil conservation and agro-industrial development, as well as access to
credit.
Table 2: Main projects developed under the 1st MCA Compact
Projects developed
Watershed management and
support for agricultural
production
Construction and
rehabilitation of road and
port infrastructure
Credit for micro, small and
medium-sized enterprises
Support to the e-governance
system
Source: elaborated by the author, based on Cardoso (2014).
The 2
nd
Compact was signed on 10 February 2012 and was in force from 30 November
2012 to 30 November 2017. Its main objective was promoting economic growth and
poverty reduction in Cabo Verde. The Compact focused on reforming two strategic
sectors, namely the water, sanitation and hygiene sector and the property
management or land registry sector. This package was funded to the value of US$66.2
million for Water, Sanitation and Hygiene (WASH), Property Management for
Investment Promotion (LAND) and also a Monitoring and Evaluation Plan (M&E).
The WASH project was conceived with the objective of supporting the restructuring of
the Water and Sanitation Sector and sought to re-establish, through a thorough reform,
a financially sound institutional base that would provide services to Cabo Verdean
households and businesses. Under this project the following institutions, programmes
and plans were created: the National Agency for Water and Sanitation (ANAS), the
National Water and Sanitation Council (CNAS), the Social Integration and Gender Plan
for the Water and Sanitation Sector in Cabo Verde, the Intermunicipal Company Águas
de Santiago (AdS), the Water and Sanitation Fund (FASA) which integrates the Social
Access Fund (FAS). The later provided the most vulnerable populations in urban and
rural communities with access to water and sanitation services in the fight against
poverty. LAND is a project to reduce the time and costs associated with property
registration, thus providing greater legal certainty to real estate transactions, as well as
promoting land investment and productivity. Within the scope of this project, the
institutional, procedural and legal bases were created to guarantee greater legal
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security in access, management and property transactions (MCA Balance Magazine,
2017).
Table 3: Main Projects Developed under the II MCA Compact
Projects developed
Results
Water, Sanitation and
Hygiene (WASH)
Restructuring of the water and sanitation sector; creation of the
National Water and Sanitation Agency (ANAS), the National Water
and Sanitation Council (CNAS), the Social Integration and Gender
Plan, the Intermunicipal Company Águas de Santiago (AdS) and
the Water and Sanitation Fund (FASA) which integrates the Social
Access Fund (FAS).
Investment Promotion
Property (LAND)
Installation of the Land Information System; creation of the
National Institute for Land Management (INGT); approval of the
Special Legal Regime for the Execution of the Land Cadastre;
publication of the Regulations for the Legal Regime of the Land
Cadastre; Officialization of the Operations Manual.
Monitoring and Evaluation
Plan (M&E)
Discussion and definition of relevant issues in order to assess the
sectoral impacts of the Water and Sanitation and Property
Management for Investment projects
Source: prepared by the author based on data available in MCA Balance Sheet Magazine (2017).
II Compact of the Millennium Challenge Account Cabo Verde.
Cabo Verde was the first country to be selected by the MCC Board of Directors, for the
2
nd
Compact and also the first to apply for a 3
rd
Compact, but without success, as it was
not selected. These Compacts have enabled development in several areas:
infrastructure, agriculture, sanitation, hygiene, water resource mobilisation and
property management. Furthermore, they have contributed to the transformation of the
country, especially in its modernisation and in its social and economic progress
(Tolentino, 2019).
AGOA: opportunities and benefits for Cabo Verde
To improve sub-Saharan countries’ development, in May 2000 the US Congress enacted
the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA). This was a trade agreement that
encourages sub-Saharan African countries to export products to USA markets. AGOA,
as an integral part of the U.S. Foreign Trade and Development Act, allows more than
6,000 varieties of products and facilitates these countries' access to credit. It also
provides technical assistance and training (Páez; Karingi; Kimenyi, 2010).
AGOA allows more than forty-five sub-Saharan African countries to export to the USA
market duty-free and quota-free. Since coming into force, this agreement has served
as an important pillar in the relationship between the USA and Africa, providing
economic opportunities, facilitating regional integration and the business environment
(Shapouria; Trueblood, 2003). Indeed, the creation of a favourable environment for
private sector investment has been a priority, making African companies more
competitive. With the implementation of this programme, exports increased by more
than 300%, thus enabling the creation of about three hundred and fifty thousand direct
jobs and hundreds of thousands of indirect jobs (Montezinho, 2015).
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Under the law, USA exports to sub-Saharan Africa have tripled. The USA has an
interest in enhancing its influence and strengthening relations with African partners.
Sub-Saharan African countries undergo an annual review of their statutes. Several
criteria are also evaluated, including good governance, market economy, elimination of
trade barriers and promotion of US investments, development of anti-corruption
mechanisms and protection of labour-related laws. The countries eligible to participate
are determined based on these parameters.
In addition to this annual assessment, to enter the US market, products must meet
certain requirements regarding their origin. In particular, they must originate from one
or more AGOA beneficiary countries, be imported directly from a beneficiary country
into the USA and be 100% grown, produced or manufactured in one or more
beneficiary countries.
In 2007, Cabo Verde graduated as a middle-income country and has benefited from
this programme by being able to access a range of financing alternatives. Despite the
recognition that the AGOA programme represents an important step towards the
aspirations of an island and archipelagic country, there has been much discussion about
its use. The reports point out that exports of Cabo Verdean products to the US market
have fallen far short of expectations. Indeed, within the Economic Community of West
African States (ECOWAS), only Gambia and Guinea-Bissau performed less well than
Cabo Verde (Montezinho, 2015).
Economists, policymakers and business associations sought to understand the reasons
for the poor results and recommended strategies for improving exports under the
programme. The President of the Sotavento Chamber of Commerce, Jorge Spencer
Lima, said that the main barriers for Cabo Verdean companies include difficulties in
terms of costs and bureaucracy, as well as language barriers. In Spencer Lima's
opinion, everything happens in English, which in many cases, Cabo Verdean business
people do not understand or master. João Alvarenga, economist, believes that the main
problem is related to the Cabo Verdean workforce because it is not minimally prepared
for the quality criteria required by the program, adding that the country, historically,
has a trade deficit. This is because it imports more than it exports. AGOA would be an
opportunity to reverse this scenario, at least with the USA (Montezinho, 28 June 2015).
The former Minister of Tourism, Investment and Business Development, Leonesa
Fortes, believes that Cabo Verde has a small number of companies producing for
export. She also argues that it is necessary to further strengthen the industrial fabric in
order to take advantage of AGOA. The first step to reverse this scenario was to create
institutions specialised in these areas, namely the Institute for Quality Management
(IGQ), created by Resolution no. 41/2010 of 2 August. In addition, the state should
continue to work on developing industrial and trade policies so that Cabo Verdean
companies can organise themselves and acquire greater production capacity (Expresso
das Ilhas, 12 September 2015).
According to current Minister for Industry, Commerce and Energy, Alexandre Monteiro,
eighteen years after the promulgation of AGOA, Cabo Verde has not known how to take
advantage of this window of opportunity. The archipelago is still making initial steps
towards creating an environment to produce and export more competitive goods and
services. Ana Lima Barber, president of Cabo Verde Trade Invest between 2016 and
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Cabo Verde and the United States of America: a bicentennial relationship
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2020, said the country has products that could be exported under AGOA, but they still
need to be qualified in order to unblock obstacles at the logistics level (Santiago
Magazine, 21 February 2018). Donald Heflin, US Ambassador to Cabo Verde between
2015 and 2018, also draws attention to the following: Cabo Verde should take more
advantage and thus explore the USA market, as it could export 7% of its goods but
unfortunately has done nothing in this direction, as the country is very dependent on
the European economy (Inforpress, 2018). The US Ambassador to Cabo Verde since
September 2019, John Jefferson Daigle, said that USA companies and entrepreneurs do
not know much about investment opportunities in Cabo Verde. He believes it is possible
to put Cabo Verde on the US investment map and stresses the importance of initiatives
such as the Cabo Verde Investment Forum (CVIF) held in Boston between 30
September and 1 October 2019. This type of meeting is an opportunity to attract high-
level business interests and a chance to establish business partnerships.
The ambassador points to the interest of the Cabo Verdean government in carrying out
the project to implement the Amilcar Cabral Submarine Cable linking Cabo Verde,
Guinea-Bissau, Liberia, Guinea-Conakry and Sierra Leone with the possibility of also
linking Gambia and Senegal. This is an ambitious initiative under the project to create a
connectivity hub in Cabo Verde for the development of broadband telecommunications
in the countries of the region. The US Ambassador to Cabo Verde made it clear that he
intends to bring together, the government of Cabo Verde, technicians, the US Embassy
and the US Department of Commerce in order to address this possibility (Montezinho,
2020).
Taking into account the opportunities that AGOA offers, Cabo Verde has worked on
empowering businesses by creating conditions to attract investment and improve the
business environment. AGOA forums are promoted annually and should be used by the
country to debate and find the best alternatives, especially with regard to reducing
trade barriers.
AGOA Resource Centres (ARCs), established by the West Africa Trade Hub (WATH) in
all AGOA beneficiary countries in the region, including Cabo Verde, have sought to
advise businesses on maximising investment opportunities under the AGOA provisions.
This has facilitated linkages between businesses in the sub-Saharan Africa region.
CRA's and AGOA Information Centres are under the responsibility of Cabo Verde Trade
Invest.
Cabo Verde and the AFRICOM
After the September 11, 2001 attacks, US foreign policy assumed another dimension,
regarding international security. As a way of safeguarding its interests, US military
forces began intervening more regularly, mainly in regional spaces where there are
threats (Bernardino, 2008), including the proliferation of illegal immigration networks,
drug trafficking and terrorism.
Due to the growing geopolitical and geoeconomics importance of the African continent,
the US government established a specific Command for Africa, called AFRICOM, based
in Stuttgart, Germany, within the African Maritime Law Enforcement Partnership
(AMLEP). AFRICOM, like other Commands, namely EUCOM, CENTCOM, SOUTHCOM,
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NORTHCOM, PACOM, work to combat terrorism, drug trafficking and maritime piracy
(Strategic Culture Foundation, 30 August 2018). In addition, the Command is
responsible for operations, exercises, training of military personnel and security
cooperation with African countries. The creation of AFRICOM in 2008 is considered by
Munson (2010) as one of the most important moments in the relationship between the
USA and the African continent.
The U.S. Military Command for Africa installed more than fifty networks and small
military readiness bases or stations for the purpose of executing advanced security and
contingency operations. It has a permanent support base in the Republic of Djibouti
and has under its jurisdiction all African nations with the exception of Egypt which is
under the jurisdiction of CENTCOM. The Command contributes to the improvement of
sustainable development and security levels on the continent (Strategic Culture
Foundation, 30 August 2018). AFRICOM seeks, in collaboration with other US
government agencies and international partners, to carry out military security actions
through specific programs aimed at promoting a stable and secure environment in
Africa. The Command creates the conditions and contributes to African ownership to
ensure that African countries create the conditions for the resolution of their own
security problems (Breschinski, 2007: 50). Cabo Verde, for having a vast maritime area
is, in the view of the former AFRICOM Deputy Commander Alexander M. Laskaris, a
quality partner in the materialisation of the Command's objectives (Lusa, 04 May
2018). The archipelago, as well as other West African countries, has the potential to
produce far-reaching benefits in terms of patrolling and surveillance of its Exclusive
Economic Zone (EEZ), in addition to developing professional and practical training
programmes in security. The focus has been on promoting technical and material
conditions for the Coast Guard.
It was within the framework of AFRICOM in June 2010 that the US government funded
the installation of the Maritime Security Operations Centre (COSMAR) based in Praia,
Santiago Island. The Coast Guard and the Naval Squadron are based in Mindelo, São
Vicente Island.
Since then COSMAR worked on the planning of joint operations within the framework of
maritime surveillance agreements with other countries with the aim of combating
phenomena, not only concerning drug trafficking, but also human trafficking, terrorism,
piracy and other similar acts. The surveillance and enforcement work is carried out in
coordination with various national entities with responsibilities in this area (Madeira,
2019b: 164).
Cabo Verde accepted AFRICOM assistance (Garcia, 2017: 104) by investing in the
planning of joint operations with special emphasis on maritime surveillance and
prevention of illicit trafficking (e-Global, 2018). Investment in security is part of the
country's ability to attract foreign investment through a marketing strategy of good
governance (Baker, 2009) in favour of well-being, democracy, human rights and
transparency. This point reinforces the idea that, since independence, elements of Cabo
Verde's foreign policy have accompanied successive governments, namely [1] the
privileged geostrategic position in the Middle Atlantic; [2] political stability and good
governance; [3] the perspective of territorial security and non-alignment in ideological
blocs, however, maintaining political-diplomatic relations with various states; [4] a
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culture of social peace reflected in internal and external policy; [5] a commitment to
diplomacy of modesty and proximity based on the principles of peace with the aim of
resolving or circumventing socio-economic constraints (Madeira, 2016b).
Cabo Verde accepted AFRICOM assistance (Garcia, 2017: 104) by investing in the
planning of joint operations with special emphasis on maritime surveillance and
prevention of illicit trafficking (e-Global, 2018). Investment in security is part of the
country's ability to attract foreign investment through a marketing strategy of good
governance (Baker, 2009) in favour of well-being, democracy, human rights and
transparency. This point reinforces the idea that, since independence, some elements
of Cabo Verde's foreign policy have accompanied successive governments, namely [1]
the privileged geostrategic position in the Middle Atlantic; [2] political stability and
good governance; [3] the perspective of territorial security and non-alignment in
ideological blocs, however, maintaining political-diplomatic relations with various
states; [4] a culture of social peace reflected in internal and external policy; [5] a
commitment to diplomacy of modesty and proximity based on the principles of peace
with the aim of resolving or circumventing socio-economic constraints (Madeira,
2016b).
The archipelago has also participated in joint military exercises that demonstrate the
country's commitment and interest in straitening the relationship with the United
States. Examples are the exercises Saharan Express, Flintlock and Obangame Express
held in the West African region. In 2016, the US Military exercise Epic Guardian took
place on the island of Sal, Cabo Verde. It was the first time that Cabo Verde hosted an
exercise of this magnitude, whose objective was to strengthen cooperation between the
two-armed forces in the fight against transnational threats.
Sal Island was also a host between July 30 to August 3, 2018, as part of the 13th Africa
Endeavor Symposium which was attended by over thirty African countries. The event
enhanced communication between African nations and Command capabilities, seeking
to encourage African Union (AU) forces and the African Force on Standby (ASF) for the
purpose of engaging in humanitarian assistance missions, natural disasters, conflict
resolution and peacekeeping. The event provided delegations from the attending
countries, international, regional and sub-regional institutions an opportunity to
address the main cyber challenges on the African continent and thereby find viable
solutions to ensure access to information technology (Government of Cabo Verde, 30
July 2018).
The USA interest has been to deepen its relationship with Cabo Verde, as the
archipelago is strategically located in the Atlantic Ocean and can serve as an important
regional security partner. The USA encourages Cabo Verde to combat threats and to
continue investing in democratic institutions in order to promote socio-economic
development.
SOFA: strategic agreement between Cabo Verde and USA
With the aim of ending security threats and encouraging international peace, the USA
has negotiated strategic agreements with countries to provide a legal basis for
strengthening the defence and security of the signatory states and which allow the US
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Armed Forces to operate in their territories for a certain period, as well as to use their
military facilities for refuelling, transit, surveillance, among other functions. Several
cooperation agreements were also signed, including the Foreign Forward Operating
Sites (FOSs) and the Cooperative Security Location (CSLs), supported by Status of
Forces Agreements (SOFA).
The SOFA falls under the Bilateral Immunity Agreements ('BIAs') based on Article 98
(2) provisions in the Rome Statute of 1998 not to surrender US citizens to the
International Criminal Court (ICC), which are in accordance with the American Service-
Members' Protection Act (ASPA) approved by Congress in 2001. The ASPA provides for
cuts in military assistance to ICC member states that do not sign bilateral agreements
not to surrender US Citizens to the ICC with the US Government. In practice, this
means that all recipients of US Assistance who are signatories to the Rome Statute are
required to sign a document conferring immunity on US citizens present on their
territory, preventing them from being prosecuted by the ICC. In this context, it is
important to note that since the early 2000s, agreements of this kind have been signed
in more than 100 countries (Resende-Santos, 2020).
The good relationship between Cabo Verde and the USA was reflected in the September
2017 signing of the SOFA that opened up space for strengthening military cooperation
between the two. It created legal conditions to allow the presence of US forces in the
archipelago. The agreement, which was under negotiation since 2008, defined the
terms of military cooperation between Cabo Verde and the USA, with special emphasis
on the status of US soldiers in Cabo Verdean territory. Washington and Praia have
made it clear that, after signing the agreement, they will work together in the area of
security and stability, especially with regard to maritime safety (Tolentino, 2019).
Notwithstanding the debate around the advantages and disadvantages of the SOFA for
Cabo Verde, which was ratified in 2018 by the President of the Republic of Cabo Verde,
Jorge Carlos Fonseca, it could serve as an important instrument for closer cooperation
with the USA, considering that security should be seen as an important pillar of
development for any state. With the signing of the SOFA, the Cabo Verde government
recognised the need to strengthen a legal structure for managing and monitoring
cooperation, which could become an important instrument for supporting the country's
security and development.
The proliferation of transnational threats puts African states on alert, including Cabo
Verde. Due to its strategic location in the Atlantic, Cabo Verde has been a prime target
of transnational criminal organisations (TCOs). As such, the country has the mission
and obligation to ensure national defence and security, which will only be possible if the
archipelago continues to invest in improving its relationship with international partners
(Madeira; Monteiro, 2017).
This paper does not explore the advantages and disadvantages of the SOFA, nor the
constitutionality or otherwise of the clauses contained in this diploma, but rather to
understand its scope, insofar as Cabo Verde is still unable to guarantee the security and
defence of its territory on its own. It is based on the following assumption: defence and
security have come to assume a transnational character and require from states,
regardless of their size, forms of cooperation in the military, economic and
technological fields through the establishment of partnerships considered relevant.
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Investing in defines and security policies is a very significant aspect of development.
Indeed, development is only possible if the country becomes aware of the importance
of establishing strategic agreements. These instruments make it possible to create
conditions at the level of security, essentially in the maritime space, thus improving the
capacity of the Coast Guard, the patrolling of territorial waters and humanitarian
missions. Cabo Verde has been made efforts in improving political and diplomatic
relations with the United States, while demonstrating a commitment to the countries of
the southern hemisphere. Cabo Verde, a small state, and the USA, a superpower, have
established a magnificent, long-standing, stable and trusting relationship (Tolentino,
2019).
In this context, it is important to note the Strategic Concept of Defence and National
Security (CEDSN) establishes the fundamental aspects of the global strategy adopted
by the Cabo Verde State in achieving the objectives of the security and defence policy.
The CEDSN outlines the sectoral guidelines on security and defence, to instruct for
greater effectiveness and efficiency in their application, to articulate and harmonise
sectoral policies of activities with an interest in security and defence, to optimise the
result and repercussions of the application of the values and objectives of security and
defence in foreign policy and domestic policy, and in the provision of security for
citizens and public and private property. In this context, the CEDSN states that the
Cabo Verdean strategic triangle is only completed with the American side, where
countries such as Brazil, to the south, and the USA, to the north, are located. The USA
is, in fact, a development partner for Cabo Verde with which the country should further
develop relations in the area of security and defence (CEDSN, 2011: 9).
Conclusions
It is widely recognised the importance that Cabo Verde attributes to its foreign policy.
Indeed, the country places foreign policy at the centre of importance because it is a
strategic concern and contributes to development and national security.
Since independence in 1975, the archipelago has demonstrated a commitment to the
promotion of peace. The commitment has resulted in improved living conditions for
Cabo Verdeans, overcoming some limitations of a small and insular state dependent on
external aid. The country's path is the result of a unique effort and allowed for the
creation of an image of a stable state that, despite scarce resources, managed Official
Development Assistance, relying on third state support or international organisations.
This path provoked special interest from foreign partners such as the USA, which has
supported the country in terms of security, aid policy, the fight against poverty and the
promotion of democracy and human rights.
Cabo Verde’s integration in the international context is not only a strategy but, above
all, is unavoidable in maximi
ing its influence. The challenges for Cabo Verde in the current international context are
taking actions that allow for a secure international integration in a way that it can
continue to establishing partnerships and agreements with countries in the sub-region
(Madeira, 2015), as well as improve existing partnerships, such as with the USA.
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The historical ties between Cabo Verde and the USA have been developing for over two
centuries. Nonetheless, there is a need to strengthen what already exists, whether
through the diaspora or initiatives by entrepreneurs, organisations, institutions, media
and governments
3
. In recent years, there has been a growing awareness for Cabo
Verdeans to participate in study programs at US institutions of higher learning or
exchange programs. Notable examples include the Entrepreneurship Programme for
African Women (Project 54/WIA 54 Award) and Young African Leaders Initiative (YALI).
These programs facilitate the establishment of future contacts for business and
partnerships. In the words of Marissa Scott-Torres, Chargé d'Affaires of the American
Embassy in Cabo Verde until 2019, at the Commemorative Gala of the Bicentennial
Gala honouring 200 years of historical ties between the United States and Cabo Verde
held in Praia on 16 December 2018: “there is a very profound and steady relationship
between our two countriesthat is not best expressed in words, but in deeds (…) We
honour and recognize that relationship. We pay tribute to our past and the future of our
relationship”
4
.
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