On the other hand, it was also possible to construct a perspective in which the
controversy about criminal and violent women has stimulated concern for the causes and
correlates of female criminal behavior, particularly that of a violent nature in criminal
structures (Bunch, Foley, & Urbina, 1983).
At the beginning of the 21
st
century, the research of Rushforth and Willis (2003) shed
new perspectives on the relationship between women and crime. The authors mention
that women's drug use is a defining factor in their involvement in crime and argue that
the severity of women's drug use is more closely related to their criminality than to men
(Willis & Rushforth, 2003). Likewise, female offenders are more likely than men to be
incarcerated for nonviolent crimes, such as drug offenses, while men are more likely to
go to prison for violent matters (Nazario, 2019; Willis & Rushforth, 2003). This opens up
a new spectrum of analysis to dimensions in which women facilitate criminal activities for
illegal networks based on the probability of association with minor crimes.
Women constitute a minority in the current global criminal context (Loinaz, 2016).
However, the invisibility of women as protagonists of criminality has been constant both
in the criminal sphere and the bibliographic and academic dynamics; also, though,
women represent a sustained increase in captures, investigations, convictions and
imprisonments in recent years (Loinaz, 2016). Global estimates in 2010 showed
important results warning that 25% of offenders belonged to an exclusively female
population, concentrating on the 10% being violent and 5% associated with sexual ones
(Cortoni, Hanson, & Coache, 2010; Loinaz, 2016). And yet, the remaining 10% do not
have an attribution and record for an absolute and determined type of crime.
Lastly, Central America is one of the most violent regions in the world, besides
asymmetrical and volatile in terms of domestic conflicts, in particular the most unequal
(Dalby & Carranza, 2019). On the other hand, it is also a region in which large
manifestations of violence against women are estimated and its receptive character has
attracted attention worldwide, contradicting the thesis of the works of the 1970s, in which
a relationship between criminal women and their emancipation process was warned
(Blanchard, 2003; IEEP, 2017). Undeniably, within the framework of criminal
governance and underground integration, women become the turning point as subjects
of violence in two dimensions: as receivers and vehicles. This phenomenon configures
the two-dimensional proportion of violence (Niño & Méndez, 2020), a kind of dimension
in which women have traditionally been violated but also have a participation in violent
structures.
Proposal for theorization of women in violence
To address the phenomenon of women as subjects of violence in the Central American
context, process tracing method will be used. This method makes use of documentary
evidence to infer the causal chain between the causes and outcomes of a given
phenomenon (George & Bennett, 2005). Specifically, it will be used the variant of
theory-building process tracing (Beach & Pedersen, 2019) to elaborate a theoretical
proposal that expresses the underground integration from the gender perspective in
Central America from the incorporation of the phenomena of women as recipients of
violence and vehicles of violence.