OBSERVARE
Universidade Autónoma de Lisboa
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BIDIRECTIONAL VIOLENCE:
A CRITICAL APPROACH TO CENTRAL AMERICAN WOMEN
CESAR NIÑO
cnino@unisalle.edu.co
Associate Professor of the Faculty of Economics, Business and Sustainable Development,
attached to the Business and International Relations program at La Salle University (Colombia).
PhD in international law from Alfonso X el Sabio University, Master in national security and
defense from the War College and professional in politics and international relations from Sergio
Arboleda University.
CAMILO GONZALEZ
manuelc.gonzalez@usa.edu.co
Assistant Professor of the School of Politics and International Relations of Sergio Arboleda
University, master in politics from the University of Salamanca and professional in politics and
international relations from Sergio Arboleda University (Colombia).
Abstract
The central proposal of this paper is to approximate a theoretical model of women in criminal
violence based on some Central American dynamics. Through process tracing, the stages of
women as recipients of violence and women as vehicles of violence are raised. Indeed, the
relationship between gender and criminality reveals the interaction between two fundamental
facets: underground integration and criminal governance in the region. Underground and
criminal integrations are found to be much more effective to perform because transaction
costs between actors are lower, while, between states, by their own configuration, there are
more limitations and robust integration costs due to variables such as sovereignty, politics,
economy, and security. Based on the above, it should be mentioned that the reduction of
violence against women does not lie in the increase in penalties, but in the effective
functioning of justice operators. A reduction of such phenomenon must be based on greater
agility of investigations and the strengthening of criminal policy, to minimize the capacity for
action and coercion. On the other hand, the effectiveness of the policy seeks to increase
persuasion against potential members of criminal networks to desist from their participation.
Keywords
Criminal governance, underground integration, woman subject to violence, Central America.
How to cite this article
Niño, Cesar; González, Camilo (2021). Bidirectional violence: a critical approach to Central
American women. Janus.net, e-journal of international relations. Vol12, Nº. 2, November
2021-April 2022. Consulted [online] at date of last visit, https://doi.org/10.26619/1647-
7251.12.2.4
Article received on September 22, 2020 and accepted for publication on September 3,
2021
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Vol. 12, Nº. 2 (November 2021-April 2022), pp. 46-58
Bidirectional violence: a critical approach to Central American women
Cesar Niño, Camilo González
47
BIDIRECTIONAL VIOLENCE:
A CRITICAL APPROACH TO CENTRAL AMERICAN WOMEN
1
CESAR NIÑO
CAMILO GONZALEZ
Introduction
The factors of instability and insecurity in Central America have been concentrated in
issues that jeopardize the states ability to control and fight organized crime.
Determinants such as drug trafficking, the presence of armed groups, gang violence,
species trafficking and human trafficking, among others, have reshaped the region's
security dynamics. This lends itself to a particular contrast in the way criminal groups,
unlike states, achieve greater synchrony in activities of integration and fluid dynamism
of illicit actions. In fact, regional integration models have been approached from a
conventional perspective that generates distortions when it comes to understanding the
phenomena that have made a special race to dominate the territories in the area. Issues
that have achieved important intersections in academic agendas and in the construction
of public policies such as violence, crime, and gender studies, have managed, from this
configuration, to expand the research approaches and understand a dynamic and quite
heterogeneous region. Therefore, academic approaches from Latin America have been
determined by variables specific to the region, such as commercial environments,
defense of democracy, human rights, economy, and politics. However, the region lacks
its own models for its more complex realities outside the traditional. In other words, the
most conservative analytical frameworks leave out issues that rival security policy
architectures such as criminal logics.
Within the studies of integration, regionalism, governance and globalization, the
literature reaches a great academic heritage in regular, conventional and traditional
dimensions (Meyer, 2007). That is, a theoretical apparatus and case studies have been
built referring to conventional models on integration with common economic, political,
cultural, geographical and even social denominators (Barrett & Kurzman, 2004). In this
order of ideas, the models of regional integration in Central America deal with alternatives
and solutions to trade, democracy and development to reduce vulnerabilities to the
constant sensitivities of the international system. Nevertheless, the region seems to have
a subregion, an underground dimension and even an alternative construction of
1
Article translated by Hugo Alves.
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Bidirectional violence: a critical approach to Central American women
Cesar Niño, Camilo González
48
integration and governance defined as a criminal model in which women become
recipients and vehicles of violence.
Based on the above, within the social constructions of crime, the role of women has been
relegated to a subordinate plane in the gender relationship. This situation enables new
approaches to understand a phenomenon little explored so far in the region and that
generates great concerns for the elaboration of decisions on public policy in security.
That said, this paper seeks to answer the following question: how are criminal
governance and underground integration built in Central America from gender violence?
Consequently, the role of women is the center of gravity for the invisibility of crime in
the region. In this way, criminal governance has managed to build the rules of the game,
institutionalization and normalization among criminal groups that allows them to obtain
a climate suitable for integration among them thanks to the institutional weakness of
states, the high capacity of adaptation of their structures and the low bureaucratization
for illicit businesses. Women's participation has not been addressed in depth in criminal
participation, but as a recipient of violence, an exclusion that adds to gender asymmetries
in security and organized crime studies.
Structurally, the text is divided into five parts. First, a theoretical and conceptual
approach will be made to criminal governance and underground integration. Then, the
phenomenon of women as subjects of violence will be exposed: between receiver and
criminal vehicle. Subsequently, the theoretical model to explain the role of women in this
phenomenon will be presented. Next, we will address underground gender integration as
a Central American phenomenon. Finally, some general conclusions will be offered about
the model and the horizon that the investigation of this phenomenon should follow.
Theoretical approach: criminal governance and underground integration
The construction of concepts that escape traditional theoretical approaches are strategic
challenges for the understanding and solution of the problems of contemporary Central
America. Approaches to criminal governance have been focused mostly on casuistic
dimensions in South America (Lessing & Graham, 2019). However, the commitment to
identify the criminal phenomenon and the relational nature between its power, territorial
control, illegal activities, violence and supplanting the state, respond to strategic
concerns about the gaps in public policy and justice systems in the countries with the
greatest institutional weaknesses. In this sense, works such as that of Desmond (2006)
and Lessing & Graham (2019), understand by criminal governance the convergence and
formation of structures between government officials, civil society and criminal actors,
resulting in systematic practices for the regulation of activities (Desmond, 2006).
It is a parallel order relationship that moves along the fine line between the conventional
and the unconventional. Indeed, criminal governance results in networks being
voluntary, reciprocal and horizontal patterns of communication and exchange (Keck &
Sikkink, 1998; Child, 2020). In this regard, codes of honor, reciprocal protection between
individuals, territorial control, patterns of conduct, value system, among others (Núñez
& Espinoza, 2017), are some characteristics that are projected on the imperatives of
governance. In short, it is a system based on a series of complex relationships that
connect the legal world with the illegal one (Garzón, 2012).
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The last two decades have been permeated by major concerns about organized crime
(Schultze-Kraft, 2016) from countries in the Global South that threaten the stability of
the Global North (Ayoob, 1991; Benabdallah, Murillo, & Adetula, 2017; Sharp, 2011).
Those concerns have reached a robust and growing material in terms of citizen security,
but not in dimensions and explanations about the integration of networks and criminal
groups with each other in Central America. The definitional gaps are themselves the first
major problems for the design of policies and strategies.
In view of the above, while there has been a valuable attempt to resignify governance
under irregular, asymmetric and unconventional conditions, the same is not true for
integrations between criminal groups. In this manner, those integrations for the purposes
of this document and as a conceptual proposal, are understood as underground due to
their irregular condition and alternates to the classic models of integration between
states. Although there has not been a robust proposal, works such as Niño (2017) ensure
that terrorist groups from different geographies share patterns of communication,
behavior and models of understanding that facilitate dialogue between organizations that
do not always pursue common goals but do have similar vulnerabilities. For example, the
markets of violence and the entropic factor of crime have motivated illegal structures to
use parastatal resources to govern significant portions of territories and strategic
corridors (Duncan, 2014; Raffo & Gómez, 2017). Taking into account the theoretical and
conceptual approach applied to the Central American context, it is necessary to involve
the impact of gender violence on the phenomenon of underground integration (Niño,
2020). Indeed, the natural dynamics of criminal governance have a substantial impact
on women as the majority victims in the region. On the one hand, they are an actor that
serves as a recipient of violence; on the other, as a criminal vehicle. Illegal brokers
controlled by parastatal groups (O'Donnell & Wolfson, 1993) reach vital degrees of
marketing women as tradable goods and as subjects of violence (Truong, 2001).
Women as subjects of violence: between the recipient and the criminal
vehicle
By 1970, some criminological research drew attention to certain studies associated with
the causal relationship between female offenders and female emancipation (Smart,
1979). In the same order, it was argued, on the one hand, that wage-earning mothers
raised children who would become criminals, while, on the other hand, the hypothesis
was maintained that emancipated women become more crime-stinging due to their
association with "masculine" values at work and their contact with opportunities for crime
outside home (Smart, 1979). This was an argumentative construction that managed to
generate distortions about the role of crime in society, a selective notion about the female
role in society and crime associated with a subordination of the role of women in society
and even in crime. Subsequently, works with a gender focus and different investigations
that tried to depart from the classic configuration and causal relationship between
emancipated women and crime, such as that of Chesney-Lind (1986), showed
substantial changes and advances in the matter. This research warns about the visibility
of generalized violence against women, but at the same time recognizes that to
determine the analytical equity in this regard, it must be borne in mind that there is no
clear information about violent women who attack other women.
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50
On the other hand, it was also possible to construct a perspective in which the
controversy about criminal and violent women has stimulated concern for the causes and
correlates of female criminal behavior, particularly that of a violent nature in criminal
structures (Bunch, Foley, & Urbina, 1983).
At the beginning of the 21
st
century, the research of Rushforth and Willis (2003) shed
new perspectives on the relationship between women and crime. The authors mention
that women's drug use is a defining factor in their involvement in crime and argue that
the severity of women's drug use is more closely related to their criminality than to men
(Willis & Rushforth, 2003). Likewise, female offenders are more likely than men to be
incarcerated for nonviolent crimes, such as drug offenses, while men are more likely to
go to prison for violent matters (Nazario, 2019; Willis & Rushforth, 2003). This opens up
a new spectrum of analysis to dimensions in which women facilitate criminal activities for
illegal networks based on the probability of association with minor crimes.
Women constitute a minority in the current global criminal context (Loinaz, 2016).
However, the invisibility of women as protagonists of criminality has been constant both
in the criminal sphere and the bibliographic and academic dynamics; also, though,
women represent a sustained increase in captures, investigations, convictions and
imprisonments in recent years (Loinaz, 2016). Global estimates in 2010 showed
important results warning that 25% of offenders belonged to an exclusively female
population, concentrating on the 10% being violent and 5% associated with sexual ones
(Cortoni, Hanson, & Coache, 2010; Loinaz, 2016). And yet, the remaining 10% do not
have an attribution and record for an absolute and determined type of crime.
Lastly, Central America is one of the most violent regions in the world, besides
asymmetrical and volatile in terms of domestic conflicts, in particular the most unequal
(Dalby & Carranza, 2019). On the other hand, it is also a region in which large
manifestations of violence against women are estimated and its receptive character has
attracted attention worldwide, contradicting the thesis of the works of the 1970s, in which
a relationship between criminal women and their emancipation process was warned
(Blanchard, 2003; IEEP, 2017). Undeniably, within the framework of criminal
governance and underground integration, women become the turning point as subjects
of violence in two dimensions: as receivers and vehicles. This phenomenon configures
the two-dimensional proportion of violence (Niño & Méndez, 2020), a kind of dimension
in which women have traditionally been violated but also have a participation in violent
structures.
Proposal for theorization of women in violence
To address the phenomenon of women as subjects of violence in the Central American
context, process tracing method will be used. This method makes use of documentary
evidence to infer the causal chain between the causes and outcomes of a given
phenomenon (George & Bennett, 2005). Specifically, it will be used the variant of
theory-building process tracing (Beach & Pedersen, 2019) to elaborate a theoretical
proposal that expresses the underground integration from the gender perspective in
Central America from the incorporation of the phenomena of women as recipients of
violence and vehicles of violence.
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The theoretical model assumes that there is a structural and visible phenomenon such
as women as recipients of violence that is expressed in variables such as social behaviors
towards women and the action of the state for the protection of their rights:
WRP= SPW+DPP
The Woman Recipient of Violence (WRV) is the result of the confluence of factors such as
the social perception of women (SPW) and the distortions of public policies (DPP) to face
their vulnerability to the phenomena of gender violence.
Nonetheless, this element of the model is what we could refer to as traditional in studies
on violence and gender that identify only one side of the violence that is exercised against
women. Our theorization proposal goes further by incorporating into the explanation the
phenomenon of Women as Vehicles of Violence (WVV), which is characterized by the
instrumentalization of women for criminal activities and that highlights the progressive
change in the imaginaries and roles of women in criminal organizations:
WVV= WRV*CA
In the same sense, the state inability (SI) to regulate the activities and displacement of
the state itself in the exercise of classical functions such as defense, effective border
control and security, or the provision of public goods (Wickham-Crowley, 1987) suggests
that the phenomenon as a whole has an intermestic nuance, and that there is a
continuous interaction between domestic and international levels around gender
violence. The sum of domestic violence at the structural and criminal actor levels,
reinforced by the incapacity of the State, generates what we have called Underground
Gender Integration (UGI):
WRV(IE)+WVV(SI)=UGI
The state incapacity (EI) is, thus, the constant in the dynamics of underground gender
integration. Namely, it affects the process in a differentiated way with special emphasis
on the woman who receives violence because it is she who implements weak public
policies for the prevention of violence and protection of women.
One also mut consider and in addition to the above the inability of the state in its
basic functions in accordance with the protection and effective territorial control, that
increases the probability for women to mutate from a recipient to a vehicle of violence
because they become an actor part of the criminal chain. Indeed, this involvement of
women in criminal organizations has its center of gravity in the stimuli and incentives
offered by the porosity of borders, the learning of criminals about the strategic value of
women in their structures and the weakness of public institutions to prevent recruitment
for such activities.
For the Central American context, this means that the region includes a phenomenon of
violence
2
, where such determines the dimensions and roles assumed by women in the
Northern Triangle; therefore, crimes such as femicide, sexual and symbolic violence
produce violent scenarios against women.
2
Concept coined by the authors referring to violence as a phenomenon transversal to social relations in all
its dimensions.
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In this respect, for the purposes of this article, the underground integration of gender is
the product of a violent and criminal process around the role of women in the region.
Based on the foregoing, there is a structural cause that is the woman receiving violence
evidenced in abuse, discrimination, and crimes against women. Due to the violence and
presence of criminal actors, a new notion of women as a vehicle of violence is configured.
The latter has become a criminal strategy and innovation that allows the underground
integration of gender due to the little effective control of the territory that occurs
especially in the border areas. Causal mechanisms such as state instability, border
porosity and the exploitation of the role of women in society by criminal groups are vital
for the understanding of the role and participation of women in transnational crime.
Underground gender integration: a Central American phenomenon
The woman of the Northern Triangle is constructed as a subject of violence from a
convergence of structural variables such as the perception of women in society and their
economic autonomy. Additionally, symbolic violence opens a new unaddressed spectrum
of violent women, whose roles in criminal structures build underground circuits of
delinquency. Consequently, we find that public policy designs are focused on mitigating
the first dimension (woman receiving violence), leaving aside the prevention of the
phenomenon of violent women. Women opt for violence and crime as a plausible space
to protect their active role within a structure, generate codes of respect and aspirations
for promotion in a criminal pyramid.
For the first dimension on women as recipients of violence in the region, it is configured
in various ways: sexual, economic, emotional, or psychological (IEEP, 2017). According
to the above, the countries belonging to the Central America Northern Triangle showed
the highest rates of violent deaths of women in the world during the period 2007-2012
(Montti, Bolaños, & Cerén, 2018). Namely, El Salvador was the one that during the
recorded period had the highest rate of violent deaths of women in the world with 14.4
women killed per hundred thousand, then Honduras with 10.9 violent deaths and in third
place Guatemala with 9.3 deaths of women (OHCHR, 2014). Consequently, women
configure a center of gravity in the reception of violence due to cultural factors such as
violent masculinities, the historical behavioral normalization of cultural violence, violent
family environments and the invisibility of violence.
On the other hand, the crimes of trafficking and smuggling of women have an interesting
point for analysis on criminal governance frameworks
3
. Both smuggling and trafficking
have become attractive crimes for criminal organizations in the region such as El
Salvador's "Los Perrones". They possess the routes, contacts and an architecture of
underground integration with illegal Honduran, Cuban, Mexican, Panamanian,
Colombian, European and even African groups (Pérez, 2014), but in particular their
closest underground associations are with Barrio 18 and Mara Salvatrucha (InSight
Crime, 2016).
3
While human trafficking has a characteristic of the victim's voluntariness with the event and involves the
crossing of borders, the trafficked woman, despite her will and consent, is also a victim. In the area of
trafficking, contact is under deception and coercion and the consent of the female victim is flawed and does
not involve the crossing of a border. (SEGOB, 2011).
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A second dimension of study is that of a vehicle for crime. Women are used as means of
committing crimes such as extortion. Research conducted by Demoscopía S.A. (2007) on
gender composition has shown that women make up between 20 and 40% of Central
American gangs. They assume functions of collecting information on potential victims
and collecting extortion (Bonello, 2019), the main source of income for these
organizations. In this regard, women have been strategically involved in the criminal
chain, exploiting the advantages offered by judicial loopholes when it comes to
persecuting them.
This dimension redefines the historical role of women, transforming their passive role
into an active one within criminal organizations. Social construction and "otherness"
(Mouffe & Laclau, 2007; Prozorov, 2015) have allowed their participation to become a
hinge between groups and networks and, at the same time, a blind spot in front of
security and justice operators.
Conclusions
This work reflects an academic effort to build a new concept and involve it in the regional
debate on violence and criminality associated with women, as well as a contribution to
the state of the art of such knowledge. Underground integration, from a gender
perspective, has been built from two dimensions associated with women as subjects of
violence: receiver and criminal vehicle. This is a commitment to resignify regional
integration in terms of new problems that imply strategic solutions. In short, integration
is also understood from alternative and unconventional points, such as trade and politics,
but are extended to spheres where the state is not the center of gravity and criminality
reaches to design less bureaucratic underground ecosystems, yet with high lucrative
returns.
On the other hand, the limited academic and documentary sources on violent women
represent a difficulty in building a state of the art on this field. Subsequently, this
research is an invitation to deepen and expand academic advances on two phenomena
that have been addressed in a traditional, way such as gender and regional integration.
On the one hand, gender as an explanation of new mobility of women in the social
structure and on the other, regional integration as a phenomenon that has multiple edges
that deserve to be studied such as criminal governance, the roles of conventional and
unconventional actors, corruption, the supplanting of states by irregular actors,
organized crime with the capacity to overwhelm the system and regular institutions. In
fact, for crime there are no borders comparable to the conception of states; in crime,
institutions are created irregularly to compete and even replace the rules of the state
game. This modifies and reconfigures the regional, geopolitical, economic, and legal
space on which traditional regional integration models are built.
In fact, one of the main challenges to correct regional weaknesses in this area is to
standardize and systematize statistics and data on gender violence, which are mostly
aimed at evidencing the phenomenon of women who have been violated and to show in
the same way the dimensions in which violent women integrate the criminal structures
of the region. On the other hand, criminal policy must incorporate a differentiated gender
and regional component. In this way, to agree on public policy strategies that imply the
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protection of women who have been violated and, at the same time, the disengagement
of women from criminal structures. In effect, private companies must facilitate the
insertion of women into the workforce while state operators must redefine and conquer
natural spaces of their constitutional configuration. Finally, in social terms, the
community must assume an active role in the denormalization of violence as a social
practice.
It should, hence, be mentioned that the reduction of violence against women does not
lie in the increase in penalties, but in the effective functioning of justice operators. A
reduction in the phenomenon must be based on greater agility of investigations and the
strengthening of criminal policy to minimize the capacity for action and coercion. On the
other hand, the effectiveness of the policy seeks to increase persuasion against potential
members of criminal networks to cease from their participation.
Security strategies must be built based on the particularities and phenomenologies of the
region and be solved in that the gender approach, beyond the discussion between
femininities and masculinities, contributes to the understanding of criminal governance
and underground integration against women as subject and tradable pattern of regional
violence.
Overall, this document is an effort to try to explain what concerns a phenomenon of great
concern to regional security and justice operators. The role of women in the criminal
spheres as victims and criminals has led to some of the invisibility that is of concern when
developing public policies and comprehensive security strategies. Throughout the study
it is determined that underground and criminal integrations are much more effective to
perform because the transaction costs between the actors are lower, while, between
states, by their own configuration, there are more limitations and robust costs of
integration due to variables such as sovereignty, politics, economy, and security.
This work also seeks to contribute to future new lines and agendas of research in Latin
America. Gender studies have been related to explaining issues concerning equity,
participation, women's demands with politics, rights, access to justice, work, and the
economy. Overall, this research seeks, among others, to contribute from gender studies
to the understanding of the phenomenon of integration, particularly in Central America
and in new approaches to the role of women in security dynamics.
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