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Vol. 8, Nº. 2 (November 2017-April 2018), pp. 101-122
THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN SOCIAL MOVEMENTS, ICT AND SOCIAL CHANGE
ACCORDING TO THE SCIENTIFIC COMMUNITY
Belén Casas-Mas
bcasas@ucm.es
Doctor in Social Communication at Complutense University of Madrid (UCM, Spain). Research
Fellow at the UCM supported by the FPU National Plan of the Spanish Ministry of Education,
Culture and Sports (2013-2017). She received her BSC in Business and Touristic Activities (2002)
from UNED, and her BSC in Advertisement and Public Relations (2011) from University Rey Juan
Carlos, in which she earned the extraordinary end-of-course prize in 2011. MSc in Social
Communication (2013) from the UCM, she is currently a member of the Research Group “Social
Identities and Communication” (UCM).
.
Abstract
The rapid spread of the information and communication technologies (ICTs) has changed the
way social movements use Public Communication and will do so again in the future. This paper
provides an analysis of the academic literature related to the influence of the ICT
transformations on social movements and its consequences for social consent. The study is
based on one of the dimensions of the R&D: “Social Production of Communication and Social
Reproduction in the Globalization Era”. This is done through a content analysis of the
representations offered by scientific institutions that mediate the social reproduction of
meaning. Within the theoretical framework of the Social Production of Communication, the
implemented analysis includes a corpus of 180 future scenarios from scientific and technical
literature in this field. The findings suggest that the ICTs promote agreement between various
social groups, but this might simultaneously trigger conflicts with other institutions or
governments.
Keywords
New technologies; social reproduction; social transformation; political movements; NGO;
Public Communication.
How to cite this article
Casas-Mas, Belén (2017). "The Relationship between Social Movements, ICT and Social
Change According to the Scientific Community". JANUS.NET e-journal of International
Relations, Vol. 8, Nº. 2, November 2017-April 2018. Consulted [online] on the date of last
consultation, DOI: https://doi.org/10.26619/1647-7251.8.2.8
Article received on May 17, 2016 and accepted for publication on July 31, 2016
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The relationship between social movements, ICT and social change
according to the scientific community
Belén Casas-Mas
102
THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN SOCIAL MOVEMENTS, ICT AND SOCIAL CHANGE
ACCORDING TO THE SCIENTIFIC COMMUNITY
1
Belén Casas-Mas
Introduction
The revolution of the new technologies has been around since more than two decades
and worldwide social movements organizers have incorporated these new digital
communication tools in all their actions. Web pages, online petitions, mailing lists, one-
to-one emails, etc., have accelerated communication progresses, succeeding in
producing an agreement amongst different social groups in order to aim a common
objective. The contribution of ICT strongly determines the achievement of the intergroup
consensus, since it contributes to a higher visibility of social movements, an increase in
the capacity to mobilize people, a broader impact and a rise of the interactions between
members.
Every social movement fights to achieve different purposes that, in general terms, can
be considered as the steps needed to promote a real social change. Nevertheless, one
wonders if the introduction of new digital technologies in the everyday life of social
movements not only generates agreements, but can also bring socio-historical
transformations or, on the contrary, social reproduction.
This paper is placed in the field of the studies about social movements and social change,
when both phenomena are related to consensus/conflict dynamics and scientific-technical
innovations, in particular to the social application of ICTs.
The main objective of the study is as follows: To know how certain “sociohistorical
changes” related to the use of ICTs by social movements are being conceived in the
scientific and academic fields.
“Sociohistorical changes” are those transformations with an irreversible character in the
history of humankind. For instance, the digitalization will be irreversible as well as it was
with the use of print. Related and specialised literature may offer various representations
of the mentioned sociohistorical changes taking place within the scientific-academic
community. In this study, a sample of those resources has been selected in order to
analyse the texts in which the authors describe the scenarios that anticipate possible
changes derived from the use that social movements are making of ICT. They are “future
scenarios” which involve social consensus and conflict dynamics (Bernete and Velarde,
2014:93).
1
Text reviewed by Carolina Peralta.
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Literature Review
Former contributions of scientific research from different approaches have linked social
movements with protests, riots and protesters fighting against governments and
corporations. Media, throughout the history of democracy, have grabbed the impact of
these disruptive events, making it the centre of attention in most of the studies (Tilly,
2009). When referring to protests that go beyond national boundaries, Della Porta and
Tarrow (2004) do not use the term “social movements”, in which the state is at the core
of the concept, preferring “transnational activism”.
On the contrary, when explaining the social movement’s phenomena, some authors
(Polleta, 2002; Armstrong & Bernstein, 2008) consider that taking into account only the
state involves ignoring the complete structure of these organisations. This structure
cannot be separated from culture and identity, which means other non-political
relationships. Armstrong and Bernstein (2008: 74) argue that the conception of formal
public-claims-making targeting the state is too narrow to encompass the diversity of
contemporary change efforts” and marginalizes some social movements.
According to Gillan (2017: 271), “the first half of this decade has seen a tremendous
wave of protest”. There has been a shift in the nature of these disruptive events: from
the social movement theory of the sixties that framed the studies on change
(mobilizations of students, workers, farmers and women who claimed right to
governments) (McAdam, 1988), to the growth of identity activism. It seems that what
all the studies share is an “interest in contestation and collective mobilization processes”
(Schneiberg and Lounsbury, 2017: 282). Cornelissen and Werner (2014) also point at an
interest in the collective action and the capacity of activists to enlist members and gain
acceptance and support. This capacity is based on modes of representation that motivate
actors because they are grounded in wider cultural-belief systems (Cornelissen and
Werner, 2014: 199)
To make collective action possible, activists need at least to succeed at creative identity
framing. The development of a social movement will depend, therefore, on the
establishing of a clear link between the issue they want to change, and “one or more
highly salient identities, thereby conferring ownership of the issue to those groups”
(McAdam, 2017: 200).
Since the First Industrial Revolution, different sociologists have analysed the relationship
between social movements and the state or private institutions, and its impact on civil
society. These thinkers often link the issue with dynamics of conflict and consensus
(Coser, 1956; Galtung, 1969; Curle and Dugam, 1981, Freedman, 2014). How these
dynamics play out since 1970 to 2011 is the focal question that unites the academic
literature in this paper. As De Bakk et al. (2013: 288) assess, “groups seeking change
often mobilize collectively outside established institutions to assert new logics and disrupt
taken-for-granted arrangements”. As it will be shown below, the disruptive logics involve
consent within the groups that collide with the stabilised order.
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Theoretical framework: Theory of Social Communication
This paper is based on a study that analyses the relationships between the
transformations in the Communication System that affect social movements and their
links with social changes. In particular, it is focused on whether those communicative
transformations result in the creation of consensus dynamics, conflict dynamics, or both
at the same time. For the analysis, consideration has been also given to other dynamics
affecting the whole society.
The study’s theoretical framework is the Theory of Social Communication developed by
Manuel Martin Serrano (Martin Serrano, 1986). This theory interprets the relationships
among social formations (SS) and communication institutional systems (CS) as an
interdependence between two systems, which are autonomous but affect each other.
The theoretical reflections on this link appear in the 16
th
century. Since then, the social
uses of communication and information technologies have been frequently considered
the main procedures to transform institutional and interpersonal relationships.
Humanists, Illuminists and Positivists have shared this sociohistorical view, which helped
them to foresee the change in pre-industrial societies (Martín Serrano, 2014).
From the time of the appearance of the electronic media, those technologies have been
considered the foundation for the development of the “mass society”. Since Gabriel Tarde
(2011, 1890), the massive use of mediated communications has been seen as
inseparable from the industrial revolutions. Apart from Cultural Theorists, Functionalist
and Structural-Functionalist authors are the key scientists who linked those social uses
of ICT with human progress. It should be pointed out that, after the Second World War,
the “optimistic and progressive view” about historical changes based on scientific and
economic development was not as shared as it was before. Frankfurt School authors and
others from other stances have shown that “Social Communication” had had a lot to do
with the world order established after the war conflict and with new social control
mechanisms.
Based on the Marxists postulates, the author of Social Production of Communication
(Martín Serrano, 1986) uses a perspective from the analysis of communication and
society. This approach is based on a homology/difference criterion between the levels
(CS) and (SS), since in both cases the same levels exist: infrastructure, structure and
superstructure.
The “Theory of Social Communication” was developed when it was not possible to imagine
the features and output of the digital network. Therefore, sociohistorical changes related
to those new ICTs were left out of the social movements analysis. This paper tries to
offer such an analysis including the ICTs.
Methodological framework: Social production of communication and
social reproduction
The same methodology implemented before in a Research and Innovation project has
been used in this study. This project called Social production of communication and
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social reproduction in the age of globalisation
2
comprised a content analysis of the
scientific discourses in specialized literature. These discourses are related to existing
interdependences between the transformations of communication and social changes in
the globalisation age. Of the total examined resources (70 books, 10 book chapters and
33 papers in scientific journals, dating from 1970 to 2011), a corpus of 2300 sentences
was created and included in the R&D database. A “sentence” is defined as follows:
[…] is the transcription of an argument onto a well-formed narrative,
following a design that makes that reasoning comparable to
alternative ones (Bernete and Velarde, 2014: 95).
In this case, what it is analysed is scientific narrative. The localization and transcriptions
of these arguments come from a previous design
3
based on the application of structural
and discriminative techniques, which allows the construction of equivalent measurable
and quantifiable analysis units. The following table shows the protocol with the list of
references taken into account by analysts in the R&D data collection:
Table 1. Protocol for Source Selection
Source: Bernete and Velarde, 2014:100.
In this study, a broad and inclusive perspective of the issue has been used to select the
sample. The selection of the semantic field is based on some of the topics proposed by
the Journal of Social Movement Studies
4
: contributions dealing with different types of
movements, including gender, race, indigenous peoples rights, ecology, youth, religion,
disability, and others. It also includes all forms of representation and communication
linked with social change, such as cyber cultures, hackers, etc. Networks supporting
2
R&D project with reference: CS020010-22104-C03-01. From: 01/2011 to12/2013. Hereinafter mentioned
as <R&D>.
3
For an in-depth description of Design and Testing of Models for the Analysis of Future Scenarios, see Bernete
and Velarde, 2014: 94).
4
See: http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?show=aimsScope&journalCode=csms20
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broad “ways of life” associated with alternative social systems, ‘identities and the
construction of collective identities”, theoretical reflections on the space´s context
(“local, regional, national, international and global socio-economic, and cultural
movements”) and theoretical approaches “on the significance of social movements and
protest”.
From the abovementioned database, a criterion based on searching parameters has been
set up in order to get information related to the communicative transformations that
affect collectives, such as social and politic movements and NGOs. The result of this
searching has yielded a sample of 180 sentences, whose content is described and
analysed below in this paper.
Dynamics related to social movements, social consensus and conflict
In the sample selected for this study, there is information about the diverse social
consensus and conflict dynamics that are taking place in a society where the ICTs play a
major role in the social changes these collectives are involved in. Therefore, the purpose
of this analysis is to contribute to the knowledge of these kinds of dynamics and to
determine the different forms they can take. Amongst these dynamics, the following
stand out: social agreement regarding collective awareness, political commitment, moral
issues or public affairs participation; and social conflicts leading to group protests or civil
resistance, among many others. The analysis is organised according to the following
phases:
First phase: affected collectives
This phase focuses on the study of the affected organizations and collectives. They are
as follows:
NGOs
Social movements, which include feminist groups, hackers and trade unions.
Political movements in general and those including liberation movements (such as the
EZLN the Zapatista Army for National Liberation -).
Civil society in general, which can set up diverse social movements when affected by
public communication.
It should be specified that there are sentences that refer to public communication used
by institutions in general, including: NGOs, social movements and political movements.
Table 2. Affected social collectives
NGOs
Social movements
Political movements
Civil society
31%
90 %
27%
17%
Source: author’s own.
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The results reported in the above table show that the vast majority of the sentences refer
to communicational transformations affecting social movements. Just one third of the
sentences talks about NGOs, followed by those that do it about political movements.
Lastly, barely one quarter of the sentences relate to communicational transformations
that provoke social mobilisations of various kinds.
Second phase: consensus and social conflict dynamics
The social consensus//conflict dynamics generated by the transformations of the
communicational system are specifically analysed in this phase, according to the
following protocol
5
:
Table 3. Social Consensus/Conflict Dynamics related to ICT uses by Social Movements
Source: author’s own.
5
The protocol is based on the categories used in the Doctoral Thesis of Casas-Mas, B. (2017). Public
Communication Transformations in the Globalisation Era and its Influence on Social Consensus and Conflict.
Complutense University of Madrid (Spain).
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The results of the second phase of the study are shown in the table below:
Table 4. Number of sentences included in each consensus//conflict dynamic
Dynamic
Percentage of
Sentences
Referring exclusively to social consensus
16.
Referring exclusively to social conflict
5.
Referring to consensus and, eventually, to conflict
79.
Source: author’s own.
Taking into account these results, the following is considered:
Communicational transformations generate social consensus when all the sectors of
the society, both public and private, benefit from them. A quarter of sentences is
exclusively related to social consensus. For instance:
The introduction of the ICTs makes possible new ways of
communication for community work, (a communicational
transformation that depends on), the development of inclusive
policies for all the sectors of society, politicians, NGO officials,
representatives of local communities, and private sector leaders,
which allows economic and social growth” (ID
6
. 1626, R&D
database).
Communicational transformations can also lead to consensus among different social
groups but, at the same time, can trigger disagreement with other groups or
institutions holding different positions or interests. This category “consensus/ conflict”
comprises almost all of the sentences where the communicational transformation
affects social movements, NGOs and other political movements. This is because this
kind of institutions generally aim at the social change or the transformation of the
established order, which contradicts the interests of other private institutions,
governments, etc. For example:
New communication and media strategies make new ways of
accessing the public space, which enables social and political
movements to fight the rest of political actors on an equal basis”.
(RD 96, R&D database).
6
ID. Sentence Identifier in the R&D database.
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There is a substantial difference between the above sentence and the previous one: in
sentence 96 the agreement of groups of citizens makes it possible “to fight” against other
groups.
It is remarkable that only almost one in ten sentences of the sample refers exclusively
to social conflict. It seems to be a meagre result as the social movement analysis has
been historically linked to protests, riots and fight between groups. In the example
below, the conflict is about social movements struggling to have access to
technological innovations in some countries around the world and not an interest’s
conflict with an institution.
“The digital divide (the near absence of communications structures)
causes obstacles that hinder development for social groups in Latin
America and Africa”. (ID 743, R&D database).
Third phase: other social dynamics
The methodological design of the abovementioned R&D considered a categorization of
the set sentences according to nine social dynamics affected by communicational
transformations (Cf. Bernete and Velarde, 2014). The same categorization has been used
for this analysis in order to stablish the relationships with social consensus and conflict.
The graph below shows the sentences distribution on every social dynamic. On some
occasions, the same sentence can be simultaneously related to various dynamics.
Figure 1. Sentences distribution related to social dynamics
Source: author’s own.
55
42
37
16
13
13
10
7
6
0 10 20 30 40 50 60
Social Dynamics
Sentences distribution in every social dynamic
D9 Humanization // deshumanization
D8 Creativity// Routinization
D7 Socio-historical transformations // Reproduction
D6 Change // Stabilization of labour organization
D5 Appearance // Disappearance of monopolistic-global capitalism
D4 Control // Autonomy
D3 Information // Misinformation
D2 Enlightenment // Obscurantism
D1 Power centralization // De-centralization
Linear (D4 Control // Autonomy)
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Social dynamic 1: “Power centralization // De-centralization”
Most of the analysed sentences describe technological innovations involving power de-
centralization as follows: a decrease in political and economic power, a decline in power
of some institutions, horizontality of power, participation, democratization, or
delegitimation of the current system and its institutions.
With regard to the texts referring exclusively to social consensus, an
issue appears in the majority of cases: Virtual assembly boots the participation of NGOs
(Zhao and Hackett, 2005) and social movements (López, Roig and Sádaba, 2003). These
organizations allow its members to work together (Klein, 2001), ensuring the success in
mass mobilizations (Surman and Reilly, 2005; Tilly, 2009). Furthermore, virtual
communication fosters a legitimation of NGOs and other volunteer organizations
activities (Surman and Reilly, 2005).
From a sociological perspective, Coser (1956: 204) pointed out that those legitimation
processes benefit even governments because this kind of groups act as “safety valves”,
avoiding potential conflicts.
Han (2014a: 23) takes a more critical point of view, arguing that the consensus among
the members of social movements is ephemeral and breeds no future, precisely due to
the digital communication speed.
With regard to the texts referring to consensus and, eventually, to conflict, there
are quite a few sentences related to the following issues:
a) Cyberdemocracy may alter the conventional patterns of power (Curran, 2005), which
could affect co-responsibility of the members of virtual communities (Willson, 1997).
Melucci (1980) warned about the risk of discontinuity and fragmentation of social
movements due to this trend towards power horizontality.
b) The agreement for social mobilization weakens the power of States and
governments.
The Internet facilitates the mobilization, the identification of global interlocutors and
makes the comprehension of social demands possible, involving more segments of civil
society (Tilly, 2009). Besides, the Internet encourages negotiations with the political
power, as well as limiting the scope for action of the State and the development of a
military order (Valencia, 2003). This goes along the thinking of Manuel Castells (2009, in
Freedman, 2014), who points to the contradiction that “in spite of the growing
concentration of power, capital and production in the global communication system, the
actual content and format of communication practises are increasingly diversified”
(Freedman, 2014: 56). Similarly, the number of sentences where the role of the ICTs is
to provide freedom of expression is remarkable. This freedom lets people disclose their
political opinion, which stops the privilege and immunity of states (Sreberny 2005).
The analyzed texts sometimes describe social networks as the tool for mobilization, which
overthrows dictatorial regimes (e.g. Gergen, 2008). Nevertheless, Morozov (2011:183)
recalls the following: “Before policymakers embrace digital activism as an effective way
of pushing against authoritarian governments, they are well-advised to fully investigate
its impact both on its practitioners and on the overall tempo of democratization”.
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c) ICT fosters consensus among social movements that fight to change the socio-
economic order supported by the media. For instance, women demanding greater
gender equality to governments (Giddens, 2000), technological communication
movements requiring more freedom of speech (Wolton, 2002), etc. Sometimes the
texts highlight the questioning of the global order (Muñoz, 2005; Martín Serrano,
1994). For example, movements about de-legitimization of the neoliberal system,
the globalization paradigm (Amat et al., 2002; Fuch, 2008; López, Roig and Sádaba,
2003) or the modernization paradigm (Miller, 2011).
Social dynamic 2: “Enlightenment // Obscurantism”
This is the second dynamic that includes a larger number of sentences. It refers to
communicational transformations that lead to autonomy of thought, of actions, critical
awareness, capacity to convene political and/or citizen mobilizations. It is also related
exclusively to social consensus or to social consensus and, at the same time, to conflict.
Concerning the texts that refer exclusively to social consensus, the mentioned
issue is changes of women representations in the media that strengthen feminist
movements (Curran, 2005). Laube (2010: 15) notes that traditional social movements
approaches also analysed the mobilisation of these marginalized groups and the political
opportunities than enable them “to gain access to mainstream institutions”. In the
sample, the creation of popular media that allows non-elite groups to gain greater
attention, which benefits movements for democracy is also pointed out. With regard to
this, Teun A. van Dijk suggests: An Internet-based social network of oppressed people
who are engaged in cognitive discourse in their exchange of ideas, beliefs, values,
judgements and values” (van Dijk, 1995:244).
Concerning the texts that refer to consensus and, eventually, to conflict, the
recurrent issue is the following: The critical capacity of globalisation generates social
resistance against the globalised system. The analysed literature indicates the social
agreement of “antiglobalisation” groups, “protesters”, “resistance” or “emancipatory”
groups. They promote a global awareness to change the current social order (Cheney,
Ganesh and Zoller, 2005, Petrillli and Ponzio, 2000, Cavallo, 2005, etc.). In addition, this
change triggers the conflict with the interests of power. The interests in detecting
manipulating mechanisms by North American governments and international
corporations led scholars to analyse the progressive empowerment of these movements
at the beginning of the globalisation. Subsequently, digital technologies made the
agreement among the members of the “global resistance movement” (Amat et al., 2002)
easier, such as the Anti-Globalisation Movement, which has been analysed by different
authors (Ramonet, 2000; Chomsky, 1992; Žek, 2002 and many others). Castells
(2002a:86) points out that the main merit of this movement is to have brought to the
top of the political-social debate what was presented as the only and indisputable path
towards the progress of humanity.
Social dynamic 3: “Information // Misinformation”
This is the third dynamic of the study embracing a greater number of sentences. They
are related to concepts such as the increase of information flows and the rise in virtual
interactions between members of organizations and their followers. In these texts, only
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consensus is mentioned. For example, interaction and telematics links make it possible
to coordinate actions and work groups through screens, which facilitates the increase of
social and political movements (López, Roig and Sábada, 2003); or the guarantee of a
universal service of instant communication will make possible a global conversation
through social movements, which will help to foster democratic institutions (Mattelart,
2002).
In this dynamic, the communicational transformation involves an inter-group consensus
or a general social consensus. It is remarkable that, as Des Freedman (2014: 109) notes,
in spite of ”the opportunities for distributed communication that connect independent
members of the public pleasure, politics or education, there are all too often new choke
points that mediate the process”. It seems to be, therefore, a contradiction between the
free flow of information and the proliferation of gatekeepers, and the phenomena of the
“hypermediation” (Morozov, 2011) that has made new communication forms (e.g.
blogging) so widespread.
Social dynamic 4: “Control // Autonomy”
Communicational transformations affecting liberalization and/or autonomy of social
movements have been included within this social dynamic, which is largely linked to
consensus. There are two main issues mentioned in these texts:
a) ICT increases the autonomy of vulnerable groups. This autonomy is possible when
ICTs improve communications strategies, expanding campaigns and, in general
terms, when the technological re-appropriation enhances efficiency. All this
autonomy involves less control, repression or constrain exerted by other institutions
of power with conflicting interests. Indeed, talking about the autonomy of the social
movements, Mhlanga and Mpofu, 2014: 130) argue that:
“In today´s networked world, groups faced with challenges in
accessing information and participation in political processes and
those living in societies where laws, policies and the political
environment hinder free communication have found platforms
presented by new media opportunities to create their own
autonomous spaces”.
Liberation of this groups may be linked with the abovementioned “freedom of speech”
process (Vïzer, 2011) thanks to ICT, because the communication for development is
disseminated through them. Thus, it enables the liberation of oppressed peoples (Gerace,
2008). Authors such as Enzensberger (1971) anticipated this approach. He stressed the
potential of new electronic media of the industry as a pacifying element for development.
Nevertheless, other researchers such as Lipset (in Habermas, 1984-1968) questioned
McLuhan’s and Enzensberger’s technological uthopianism. This author studied the social
movements struggle and their lack of understanding of the technological development
as a factor of individuals´ freedom. People could never relinquish their possessions, and
get away from labour alienation and social status pressure.
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b) The collective identity of group reference. Public communication throughout the
media contributes to the acquisition of a symbolic capital. It reinforces group identity
and strengthens the sense of belonging to a group (Sgroi, 2004, Chaparro, 2004;
Álvarez, 2005; Curran, 2005). These symbols may also foster the action of social
movements (Duarte, 1998; Marí, 2004) or spread national pride (Sampedro,
Burnhurst and Cordeiro 2003¸ Zhao and Hackett, 2005). The growth of nationalisms
has also been analysed by Giddens (2000), Mattelart (A. & M.) and Delacourt (1984)
and by Arendt (2006), but they consider it as a potential source of conflict.
Social dynamic 5: “Appearance // Disappearance of monopolistic-global
capitalism”
Most sentences in this category mention consensus and conflict dynamics simultaneously.
They are about technological innovations affecting anti-globalisation movements, which
is the main group that fights against the monopolistic-global capitalism system
7
. As
Echart, López and Orozco (2005:20) point out, the anti-globalisation movement arises
out of the questioning of “neoliberal globalisation, its characteristics and its impacts”. ICT
are said to boost social agreement of groups rather than confront the neoliberal
globalisation (Amat et al., 2002). These networks try to drive cooperation among
countries (Muñoz, 2005); they are cyber activists´ platforms that promote the renovation
of the informational capitalism´s structures (Fuchs, 2008).
In the analysed literature, digital platforms are suggested to assemble people physically
and eventually triggering confrontations with the police and military forces under the
authority of capitalist institutions. However, even if this questioning of Capitalism is
channelized through active fighting, it does not involve the end of the system, but only -
and not always -, the visibility and resistance of groups like the counter-globalisation
movement. The sentences clearly reflect the consequences of these groups’ agreements,
because they generally lead to a conflict with the currently economic order (Sábada and
Roig, 2004; Sreberny, 2005).
That means that those social movements might cause some inconveniences to capitalist
institutions but, in any case, the use of ICT would provoke the disappearance of the
monopolistic capitalism. Among other things, because “social media do not seem to result
in democratic networked organization structures, but are embedded into hierarchies,
internal power structures and the formation of elites within social movements”
(Gerbaudo, 2012, in Fuchs and Sandoval, 2015). Treré and Cargnelutti (2014: 183-203)
emphasize that the new Internet economy is far from democracy, as it is linked to
“neoliberal surveillance issues, corporative control and immaterial labour exploitation of
the users”.
Social dynamic 6: “Change // Stabilization of labour organization”
This dynamic includes sentences of consensus, in which the communicational
transformation generates new forms of networking, changes of the internal
communications within the organizations, new ways of administration and coordination,
7
The concept of” monopolistic capitalism” refers to the last quarter of the ninetieth century, when the society
presented the features of what non-Marxists sociologists named as “mass consumer society”, “welfare
society”, post-industrial society” (Cf. Martín Serrano, 1986; 2008: 41).
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new strategies, etc. That is to say, changes in the labour organization that have been
previously agreed by these organizations and that lead to greater effectivity in the
achievement of objectives, either an increase of the visibility of the actions, or the
capacity for mobilization and participation.
A big issue has been identified: The globalisation of communications increases the ability
of bringing citizens together. ICTs make the reticular structure” of these organisations
more effective (Juris, 2004), for example, by reducing bureaucracy (León, Burch and
Tamayo, 1995), or improving message penetration in the citizens awareness (López,
Roig and Sábada, 2003, Sreberny, 2005).
In this respect, Melucci (1980:219-220) asserted that the control of information by the
State and other powered institutions bestows social movements the nature of individual
deviant behaviours. In the globalisation age, new social movements do not focus on the
politic system, but they search for autonomy and independence from the State. They are
characterised by “solidarity” and demands of “identity”. However, this author also warned
about the danger of “fragmentation” and “discontinuity” within those groups, because
they reject any kind of representation (Melucci, 1980:220-221). The analysis of Mattelart
(A. and M.) and Delacourt (1984) focused more on the influence of globalised
communication on group cohesion than on fragmentation.
Social dynamic 7: “Socio-historical transformations // Reproduction”
Nearly all the sentences within this dynamic relate communicational transformations to
social changes, socio-historical/structural transformations.
Regarding the texts where the social use of ICT contributes to the unity of
society, new media increase all forms of global integration of social movements, third-
sector organisations, communities and global citizen networks (Cavallo, 2006; Lash,
2005; Del Gizzo and Rozengardt, 2005; Tilly, 2009).
Nevertheless, Jan Van Dijk questions the effects of the new media on modern society
and states that “changes will be evolutionary rather than revolutionary and that the
network society will not be an altogether different type of society” (Van Dijk, 2012:277).
Bourdieu and Passeron (1981) provided an additional theoretical perspective. They
considered that the integration of a group lies in identity (“total or partial”) of the
“inculcated habitus” by different socializing institutions (school, media, family…). These
authors considered the social philosophies of consensus “naïve”, arguing that they reduce
the integration of a group to the possession of a common repertoire of representations
(Bourdieu and Passeron, 1981: 76).
Regarding the texts where the social use of ICT contributes to consensus and
at the same time conflict, activism is said to go against the reproduction of the current
social order. In this dynamic, the “established order” is generically mentioned, without
specifying which kind of order they fight. For instance, consensus among members of
these organizations, thanks to the activism of minority media, may be quite effective to
change the established order (Curran, 2005).
From Žižek´s (2008) point of view, this agreement between members of emancipatory
groups pretending to change the social order presents a contradiction: the system they
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want to overthrow is exactly the one that provide the tools they need for mobilization.
Thus, this author openly questions global movements´ efficiency for a real social change.
Social dynamic 8: “Humanization // De-humanization”
There are few sentences included in this dynamic. They are clauses that exclusively hint
at ICTs promoting network solidarity. These communicational transformations can
produce solidarity within the whole society (which involves social consensus), or solidarity
towards specific collectives or social causes (which may simultaneously involve social
consensus and conflict). For example, an exodus of refugees to neighbouring countries
might affect collective action through the social net to protect their human rights, and
this could put in a difficult situation those governments with anti-immigration policies.
Normally, the effectiveness of communication in those cases comes from both,
instrumental and symbolic terms that facilitate collective identity and solidarity of social
groups. But other scholars like Rupp and Taylor (1987) or Melucci (1996) (in Diani,
2000), consider that it is “the feeling of mutual identification and solidarity which bond
movement actors together and secure the persistence of movements even when specific
campaigns are not taking place. (Diani, 2000: 387).
Some authors such as Melucci (1980) or Castells (2002a) have linked the growth of
cooperative culture thanks to the digital communication, to the appearance and
proliferation of movements driven by solidarity. On the contrary, Han (2014b) considers
that in the digital age, when a universal cooperation to overturn the neoliberal system
may exist, there is a great contradiction: “there is no cooperative, interconnected
multitude to rise up in global protest and revolution” (Han, 2014b: Paragraph 15). Žižek
(2008, 20-22) goes further, asserting that the Internet does not promote even the
meaning of “universal sharing”. He notes that the net power belongs to what he calls
“liberal communists”, who are legitimated by the whole society. They represent the new
power of the modern Capitalism (formerly banking) and they do not aim at economic
wealth, only want to change the world, even though in this goal they increase profit.
Social dynamic 9: “Creativity // Routinization”
A scarce number of sentences have been found within this dynamic, all of them referring
to communicational transformations involving routinization or commercialization of
culture, arts, education, media, Internet, etc. These texts also include those
transformations that produce cultural autonomy or dependence and other phenomena
like the disappearance of cultures, of languages, transculturation, cultural uniformity,
etc. As mentioned before, these transformations might be related to consensus and social
conflict. The most common issue is the following: New media generate consensus of
groups that reject cultural homogenization. For instance, the introduction of horizontal
communication of new media to avoid homogenization (Gerace, 2008). It is also a better
access for cosmopolitan groups, consumers, fundamentalists and, in general terms,
movements reacting to that cultural unification. (Murdock, 2006).
Digital transmission and storage technologies or social networks such as Indymedia, may
change people´s mentalities, values, beliefs and worldviews (VV.AA., 2000). However,
as López (2006) points out, cultural cohesion of new movements that pursue a radical
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transformation of the established transnational order is the key to the clash between
those groups and power institutions.
Theoretical reflections
The analysis of logical sentences provides an overview of future scenarios about the role
played by the ICTs as a tool for diverse social movements in the reproduction or the
social change in an age of globalisation. The scientific and technical literature about the
issue makes a record of the social consensus promoted by social movements and, to a
lesser extent, by NGOs and other political movements. This consensus is sometimes
connected to conflicts with institutions and organizations, whose interests antagonise. In
other words, technological innovations that affect social movements might be linked to
the perspective of conflict being a driving force for social change. Marxism and social
Darwinism have supported this approach, as well as sociologists worldwide who assert
that conflict is essential and positive for social relationships (González Seara, 1971:138-
227).
Eventually, communicational transformations that affect NGOs result in humanization
social dynamics (as they promote solidarity actions). This may be in line with the
consensus theory proposed by Comte and Durkheim, for whom it is crucial to have social
harmony based on a general agreement among individuals and groups. (Cf. Campbell,
2002: 138-227).
The vast majority of the analysed sentences point to communicational transformations
that affect social movements and, at the same time, are related to: firstly, an increase
in democratic participation and a decrease in political and economic power. Secondly, the
rise in the critical thought, in the ability to convene citizens and mobilize people for
political purposes. Thirdly, the growth of the information flows and the virtual interactions
between members of social movements, which would be able (or not) to give rise to more
face-to-face interactions.
This perspective goes in line with some scholars who claim that contemporary revolutions
are linked with networked protests of connective action and social media movements
(Castells, 2012), whereas other scholars consider it as techno-determinism and see in
social media tools of governments and capitalist institutions (Fuchs, 2015). Noam
Chomsky (1999) has long referred to the technological determinism that links ICTs with
more participatory democracy.
Along the same lines, around the 1970s, Armand and Michèle Mattelart (2000:162)
proposed that the growing importance of the media and communications systems and
their internationalization was crucial for citizens as they assumed certain values and
worldviews. This view is at odds with the idea of technological innovations providing social
movements with a greater exercise of critical reflexivity. Both authors denounce the use
of communication by certain established powers (either governments or corporative
organizations) to maintain the status quo. Additionally, even though in the analysed texts
of this study there are many sentences about the so-called horizontality (the decrease in
governments’ power), it does not seem to affect all private institutions the social
movements have conflicting interests with. It cannot be omitted that, in the globalisation
era, the most powerful technological moguls are offering these innovations “for free” to
social movements and many other users.
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Regarding the increase of information flows and interactions that affect social
movements, the analysed literature has to do with the concept of “Network Society”. This
term (primarily coined by François Lyotard) has been used by authors, such as Castells
(2004) and Melucci (1980) with their interpretation of the New Social Movements within
the space of the New ICT. Specifically, in the realm of social nets, Melucci (2001) stands
that the new social movements are characterized by two factors: a constant negotiation
of collective identity, and its simultaneous unification and fragmentation.
New social movements might be understood as reactive forms of collective action facing
a pre-existing conflict. They search for solutions to give answers to the lack of
assessment during the post-materialism period. Candon (2010) amplifies this argument
and points out that ICTs, and specially the Internet, have produced a flow of connections
and information, disrupting the structures of activism, participation and political
association.
Conclusions
In the analysed scientific and academic literature, for every text related to consensus,
there are five addressing consensus and conflict together. That means that even though
virtual interactions are considered to increase citizens participation and the
democratization of societies, according to academics and scientists, the use of ICT by
social movements contributes to the outburst of conflicts between socio-political systems
and civil organisations.
There are positive expectations about the setting-up of social movements and the
achievement of their goals thanks to the use of ICT. This leads to the following
conclusion:
There are new technologies that encourage the exchange of knowledge and social
interactions among individuals and their networks. These technological innovations work
collectively in real time and blocking them up is quite intricate. In this context, it is
assessed that by using ICT, social movements might help the power transference from
the State to the Civil Society.
It should be pointed out that these consensual dynamics are the result of conflicts
(usually of a political nature) or may have been their source. Anyhow, they might lead
to an institutional power crisis.
In most cases, “taking part in a protest through the Internet” is regarded an “action” that
may well lead to social change. In such cases, the differentiation between executive and
expressive acts is fairly blurred. The difference between “to do” and “what needs to be
done” is very often confused.
In the light of this analysis, it is worth mentioning the boundaries of this study and of
any other based on representation analysis. Those representations could be comparable
to previous ones, expressed throughout the history of the ideas. This article has
tried to provide an evaluation of differences and equivalences when the results of the
study made it possible. Nevertheless, it is not possible to foresee the changes linked to
the use of ICT by social movements that will take place in the future, based on nothing
more than prospective approaches included in the analysed scientific-academic literature.
That would be a transgression of level.
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We can, however, validate or refute a representation of sociohistorical changes. Although
in order to achieve such purpose, one has to wait for the necessary length of time for
this prediction to be verified. Thus, verifying whether social movements will be able to
transfer the power from the State to the civil society thanks to the use of ICT is an
interesting possible research to conduct in the future.
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