OBSERVARE
Universidade Autónoma de Lisboa
e-ISSN: 1647-7251
Vol. 9, Nº. 2 (November 2018-April 2019), pp. 1-15
EPISTEMIC COMMUNITIES AND THEIR INFLUENCE IN INTERNATIONAL
POLITICS: UPDATING OF THE CONCEPT
Miloslav Machoň
miloslav.machon@vse.cz
He works in Jan Masaryk Centre for International Studies at the University of Economics (Prague,
Czech Republic). He focuses on actors of political negotiations in the area of the international
management of the outer space. Field of his specialization also encompasses problematics of
science diplomacy.
Jana Kohouto
jana.kohoutova@vse.cz
Jana Kohoutová does her research on the Faculty of International Relations at the University of
Economics (Jan Masaryk Centre for International Studies, Prague, Czech Republic). She is
focused on new forms of diplomacy and strategies of political negotiation.
Jana Burešo
jana.buresova@vse.cz
Jana Burešová is on the Faculty of International Relations at the University of Economics (Jan
Masaryk Centre for International Studies, Prague, Czech Republic). She specialises in research of
international norms and rules, human rights and security studies.
Jaroslava Bobková
jaroslava.bobkova@vse.cz
Jaroslava Bobková is on the Faculty of International Relations at the University of Economics (Jan
Masaryk Centre for International Studies, Prague, Czech Republic). Her current research revolves
around non-state actors in international relations.
Abstract
The decreasing importance of the state as a prominent actor in international politics has
opened a debate about the rising importance of transnational relations. The research focuses
on other actors, including epistemic communities. The paper traces previous research using
the concept of epistemic communities and their influence in international politics and responds
to its limitations. It uses the social constructivist approach for the elaboration of criteria of
the professionalization process needed for recognition of epistemic communities. The paper
also elaborates the concept of their influence in international regulation, including defining
conditions of demand for epistemic communities’ activities. The conditions include the
introduction of complex problems with an element of uncertainty, acquisition of direct or
indirect access to the political decision-making process in the arenas of international politics,
and the ability of these arenas to execute international regulation. The paper also explains
and elaborates the diffusion process of shared beliefs created by epistemic communities. The
ability to diffuse shared beliefs supports modes of persuasion including statistical indicators,
focusing events and narratives. Shared beliefs transfer via a process of institutional learning.
Successful transfer means that shared beliefs become part of a political agenda. Utilization of
the shared beliefs for creation, execution and enforcement of political decisions manifests the
influence of epistemic communities in international politics.
Keywords
Epistemic community, Complexity, Uncertainty, Focusing event, Statistical indicator,
Narrative, International regulation, Social constructivism
How to cite this article
Machoň M; Kohoutová, J; Burešová, J; Bobková, J (2018). "Epistemic communities and their
influence in international politics: updating of the concept". JANUS.NET e-journal of
International Relations, Vol. 9, N.º 2, November 2018-April 2019. Consulted [online] on the
date of the last visit, https://doi.org/10.26619/1647-7251.9.2.1
Article received on January 23, 2018 and accepted for publication on September 3, 2018
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e-ISSN: 1647-7251
Vol. 9, Nº. 2 (November 2018-April 2019), pp.1-15
Epistemic communities and their influence in international politics: updating of the concept
Miloslav Machoň, Jana Kohoutová, Jana Burešová, Jaroslava Bobková
2
EPISTEMIC COMMUNITIES AND THEIR INFLUENCE IN INTERNATIONAL
POLITICS: UPDATING OF THE CONCEPT
1
2
Miloslav Machoň
Jana Kohouto
Jana Burešo
Jaroslava Bobková
1. Introduction
The decreasing importance of the state as a prominent actor in international politics has
opened a debate in international relations theory about the gradual transformation of
international politics (Burton, 1967). The debate has focused the attention of
international relations scholars on transnational relations, i.e. contacts and interactions
across state boundaries that evade control by foreign policy institutions of governments
(Keohane Nye, 1971: 330-331). Transnational corporations have become new actors
in international politics, because they influence the formation of North-South relations.
In the 1980s, social constructivism strengthened its position in international relations
with its increased focus on the research of social and ideological structures rather than
purely material factors (Kratochwil, 1989). At the same time, the intensity of bipolar
conflict decreased, which has sparked the debate about the increasing importance and
extent of interdependence (Rosenau, 1990: 11). Aside from states and transnational
corporations, transnational advocacy networks (Finnemore Sikkink, 1998),
transnational civil society (Kaldor, 2003), transnational social movements (Tarrow, 2005)
and criminal networks (Kahler, 2009) have become fully-fledged actors of international
politics.
Networks of professionals called “epistemic communities” (Haas, 1990: 2) have also
become actors of international politics. The previous research of epistemic communities
has been based mostly on a positivist approach to social sciences (Greene, 2014). Only
a couple of studies on epistemic communities have taken the social constructivist
approach into consideration. However, these studies lack a complex theoretical and
methodological approach. Instead, they focus only on partial aspects, such as formal
communication among members of epistemic communities in journals (Toke, 1999) or
the selection process of epistemic community members (Gjefsen, 2017) or they do not
1
We would like to thank Jeremy Alan Garlick, PhD (University of Economics, Prague) for English language
review. We also acknowledge Radka Druláková, PhD, Associate Professor and Štěpánka Zemanová, PhD,
Associate Professor for suggestion with framing of this paper.
2
This paper was published within the scope of internal research project at the University of Economics,
Prague IGS 77/2017 Nation Branding and Care about Country Name via New Forms of Diplomacy.
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3
acknowledge the existence of common culture in an organization associating an epistemic
community (Bueger, 2015).
This paper responds to the limitations of the previous research by clarifying the concept
of epistemic communities and the influence of these communities in international politics.
The paper proceeds in five steps. First, it presents the concept of epistemic communities
introduced by Peter M. Haas and the main points of its critics. Second, the paper
elaborates on the concept of epistemic communities using the social constructivist model
introduced by Cross that emphasizes the presence of professionalization in governmental
and non-governmental organizations. The social constructivism approach is also used for
the study of epistemic communities’ influence in international regulation.
Third, the paper develops aspects of complexity and uncertainty. Fourth, conditions of
epistemic communities’ access to decision-making processes in international politics
arenas and the ability of these arenas to execute international regulation are discussed.
Fifth, the presentation strategies of epistemic communities are specified and qualitative
operationalization of their influence in international regulation clarified. Among
presentation strategies the paper has included focusing events, statistical indicators and
framing beliefs through narratives. For qualitative operationalization of the influence, the
concept of institutional learning is applied.
2. The concept of epistemic communities
The research on networks of professionals has drawn inspiration from studies published
by Foucault (1970; 1980). In compliance with them, knowledge is based on the
relationship between the historically- and culturally-based social rules of “episteme”
(Foucault, 1970: 285-287). The epistemic function is to determine adequate resources
and methods for organizing knowledge.
Ruggie (1975: 567-570) further developed Foucault's epistemic concept by generalizing
the activity of epistemic communities. According to Ruggie (1975: 569-570), epistemic
communities participate in the institutionalization of policies adopted in international
political arenas for they form social reality by explaining the relationship between causes
and consequences.
Drawing on previous authors, Haas (1992: 3-5) defined the epistemic community as a
network or as a set of relations between professionals with a recognized degree of
expertise and competence in a particular thematic domain (Carayannis et al., 2011: 132).
Within this network, (1) a set of normative, value and (2) causal beliefs, (3) the concept
of validity and (4) political belief are shared. The recognized degree of expertise and
competence enables this network of professionals to have an authoritative claim to assess
the state of knowledge in a given domain (Haas, 1992: 7-14). According to Haas (2001:
11579-11580), the shared criteria of the epistemic community for assessing the level of
expertise are an essential feature that significantly differentiates epistemic communities
from other actors influencing political decisions (e. g. social movements and interest
groups Haas, 1992: 17-19).
Despite the high degree of elaboration, the concept of epistemic communities and their
influence in international politics has been criticized several times. Criticism explicitly
challenged the criteria by which Haas defined the concept of epistemic communities
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Epistemic communities and their influence in international politics: updating of the concept
Miloslav Machoň, Jana Kohoutová, Jana Burešová, Jaroslava Bobková
4
(Dunlop, 2000: 140-141). Haas put a great deal of emphasis on shared normative and
causal beliefs, along with shared procedures for determining accuracy.
However, the criteria do not outline the relationship between the internal cohesion of the
epistemic community and its ability to diffuse shared normative and causal beliefs among
other actors of international politics (Waarden Drahos, 2002: 930). Moreover, the
criteria do not specify the precise conditions for admission of new members to an
organization associating epistemic communities (Lorenz-Meyer, 2010: not paged). In
addition to that, Haas did not allow for the possibility of change of these criteria (Dunlop,
2000: 41). However, this change occurs in the process of negotiation that takes place
within the epistemic community and in its interaction with other actors (Sebenius, 1992:
324-325).
The theoretical framework must take into account the fact that the epistemic community
is an active international policy actor interacting with other actors of international politics
(Dunlop, 2012: 234). Therefore, the conditions for the entry of epistemic communities
into the arena of politics should be specified in detail during the revision (Håkanson,
2010: 12-17).
The way of articulation and diffusion of the political beliefs of the epistemic community
also requires more specification. It should be based on the analysis of used
communication symbols, including statistical outputs such as image and graphical
representations. Thus, the concept of epistemic communities should be broadened to
encompass the findings of social constructivism. As such, its analytical capacity would be
broadened and a wider spectrum of international networks might be included in the
research program of epistemic communities (Zito, 2001: 600-601).
3. Professionalization in governmental and non-governmental
organisations
The weak points of the Haas’s concept of epistemic communities have been addressed
by Cross (2013: 147-159). Her revision of the original model puts emphasis on
professionalization which offers more concrete criteria for identification of an organisation
that gathers epistemic communities and for judging their influence on other actors of
international relations (see Table 1). Her concept builds on the assumption that an
epistemic community is a functioning social mechanism which coordinates the activity of
its members (Cross, 2013: 149-150; Tarko, 2015: 65-66). The capability of an epistemic
community to create shared normative and causal beliefs and to persuade other actors
of international politics of them through a process of institutional learning depends
primarily on the degree of internal cohesion of the organisation gathering the epistemic
community rather than just the degree of recognised expertise and its governmental (or
non-governmental) character (Carayannis et al., 2011: 138-139).
Cross is also the first to study the preconditions of an epistemic community for its
adaptation and integrity (Schein, 2010: 17-18; Cross, 2013: 150-151). Adaptation and
integrity influence the efficiency level of activity of the epistemic community and its
relevance to other actors of international relations. An epistemic community is relevant
and its activities efficient when the ways of perception, thinking and position-taking on
problems that disrupt the adaptation and integrity of the epistemic community are
transferred between the individual members of that community in the right way.
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Cross (2013: 149) calls the social interaction between members of epistemic
communities professionalization”, or a special kind of it that establishes, refines, and re-
establishes the role and status of a given profession. Professionalization reinforces
internal cohesion of an epistemic community for it contributes to formulation, diffusion
and adoption of ideas within the epistemic community (Cross, 2015: 91-93). This process
exists within the organisation gathering the epistemic communities. In its framework,
common visions, shared standards and the professional identity itself are formulated and
modified.
On the national level, epistemic communities consist of professionals working in different
institutions, including government, universities, private sector entities or non-
governmental organisations (Carayannis et al., 2011: 131-132). On the international
level, these professionals meet within international governmental and non-governmental
organisations. In doing so, they create transnational networks with a degree of
recognised knowledge and expertise in a particular domain (Carayannis et al., 2011:
134; Cross, 2013: 150).
Identification of an epistemic community thus requires an assessment of whether there
is (in international organisations) the professionalization process that is delimited by
three criteria: (1) common culture, (2) selections of members and opportunities for their
further professional development, and (3) meeting frequency and quality.
Table 1: Criteria for recognition of epistemic communities by Haas and Cross
CRITERIA
normative and value beliefs
causal beliefs
notions of validity
policy enterprise
common culture (purpose, symbolism, heritage, identity, and
consensus)
selections of new members and their further professional
development
personal meetings
Source: authors on the basis of the above identified used sources
Common culture comprises five elements (Schein, 2010: 14-16; Cross, 2013: 150-151).
The first of them is the shared purpose, which are the common publicly stated values,
for the realization of which the epistemic community struggles through its activities. It is
through fulfilment of these publicly stated values that the epistemic community achieves
scientific progress. It consists in the accumulation of scientific truths, which are a part of
logical models representing scientific theories and which help us to realize, understand
and explain phenomena of the surrounding world (Fano Macchia, 2015: 65, 72).
The second element of common culture is the shared symbolism that consists of a set of
characteristics of the epistemic community. It is imprinted in official materials, including
buildings, office equipment or presentation on the internet. The third element is the
common heritage which the epistemic community passes to next generations. It is
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created in conformity with democratic values and it becomes a socio-economic
contribution to the next generations (Lacey, 2016: 14).
The fourth element of common culture lies in shared identity. These are the ideological
principles and mental models that determine the way of perception, thinking and acting
of members of the epistemic community. The common ideological principles and mental
models are based on neutrality, impartiality and resistance (Lacey, 2016: 2-3).
Lastly, the fifth element of common culture is the shared focus on reaching consensus
(Tarko, 2015: 70). A consensus-driven process represents an alternative to voting and
the final phase of deliberation, in which members of the epistemic community formulate
and modify common visions, shared standards, and the professional identity itself.
According to Cross (2013: 150-151), professionalization is reinforced also by selection of
new members and professional development of the current ones. Both types are
dependent on the size of contribution to scientific progress and the consequent level of
prestige (Tarko, 2015: 71-72). Contribution to scientific progress is assessed in a self-
evaluative process. It is a kind of communication that is used, despite of its sizeable
criticism (cf. Binswanger, 2014), for evaluation of professional quality and
methodological admissibility of a broad range of epistemic communities’ activities (Lee
et al., 2013: 2-3, 10-12). The evaluation respects the principles of neutrality,
impartiality, autonomy, methodology, cognitive criteria and resistance to outer
influences. This reinforces its reliability from which is consequently derived the level of
prestige and contribution to scientific progress which takes on the form of a quotation
index (Lee et al., 2013: 4). An intensive professional preparation equally contributes to
reinforcement of professionalization (Cross, 2015: 150-151).
The third element of the professionalised epistemic community is frequent long “face-to-
face” meetings of individual members (Cross, 2013: 151). At these meetings, the
members of the epistemic community strengthen shared professional norms, such as
internal procedures, protocol, and standards of consensus-building, which is done in a
less formal way than a conversation hosted by journal papers (Tarko, 2015: 74). During
the meetings of epistemic communities, also informal (behind-the-scenes) meetings in
smaller groups take place and enable a more intensive socialisation and strengthening of
personal relations.
The reinforcement of shared professional norms can be considered effective when the
cores of problems are dealt with in the formal and informal meetings and when the
personal meetings are frequent (Cross, 2013: 150-151; Cross, 2015: 92). The meetings
of epistemic communities’ members are also a kind of a ritual where important events
are recalled, awards granted, and results of professional activities of individual members
announced. It is also the place where friendly relations and commitment to common
objectives, or “esprit de corps”, are reinforced (Cross, 2011: 28; Cross, 2015: 91-93).
The development of esprit de corps is more intensive when individual members of an
epistemic community used to cooperate together in a professional way before or when
they used to hold the same working positions in different periods of time. Due to that,
the members do consider themselves as “one team” (Cross, 2011: 29; Cross, 2015: 92).
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4. Complexity and problems uncertainty
In international politics, demand for activities of epistemic communities tends to rise
when complex problems with an element of uncertainty arise (Adler Haas, 1992: 373,
375; Cross, 2015: 92). A complex problem is a problem where a cause-effect relationship
is difficult to identify (Renn, 2015: 55-56). Complexity of problems in international
politics is reinforced by globalisation (Turner Holton, 2015: 14-15). Globalisation is a
multidimensional planetary social process in the framework of which the number and
quality of interdependent relations between cultures, commodities, information and
people increase.
During political negotiations on complex problems of international politics, the causes
and effects of these problems are dealt with (see Table 2). Impact of mutual relations
and dependence are taken into consideration in the discussion. Mutual relations concern
the relation between causes, effects and the problems of international politics. Discussion
of mutual relations assesses whether two or more mutually independent causes lead to
a problem of international politics and whether this problem does not produce two or
more independent effects.
On the other hand, discussion of mutual dependence focuses only on the relation between
causes and effects of problems in international politics, though not only on problems
alone. The evaluation consists in examination of mutual influence between causes and
effects of problems of international politics. When discussion of mutual relations and
mutual dependence is combined, dilemmas occur. Their solution does not get by without
coordination of mutually different actors of different identities and interests (Renn
Klinke, 2012: 61; Renn, 2015: 55-56).
Table 2: Complexity and problems uncertainty
ASPECT
COMPONENT OF ASPECT
COMPLEXITY
Difficulty in identification and quantification of cause and effect
Widening and deepening of the influence of globalisation
Mutual relations and dependence
UNCERTAINTY
Interferential effects
Variability of problems
Lack of knowledge
Indeterminacy of problems
Source: author on the basis of identified used sources
Political actors have limited or even no knowledge of the element of uncertainty. This
makes it more difficult to assess the expected positive and negative consequences of a
political decision (Adler-Haas, 1992: 373, 375, Cross, 2013: 151-153). Subjective or
objective lack of knowledge is a permanent part of international politics which goes even
beyond the situations called "crisis". It exists in almost all of its areas, including political
negotiations on global pandemics, mass migration, the way to fight pirates, or to slow
down climate change even beyond the situations which are called "crisis" (Hay, 1999:
317-335). The lack of knowledge occurs if the problem shows at least one of the
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Epistemic communities and their influence in international politics: updating of the concept
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uncertainty characteristics - interferential effects, variability of problems, lack of
knowledge, and indeterminacy of problems (Renn Klinke, 2012: 61-62, rkşen
Özkan, 2014: 160).
The first two characteristics of uncertainty variability and interferential effects are
subjective components of uncertainty. This arises as a result of faulty measurements that
can be narrowed down or almost eliminated by improving the level of existing knowledge
and assessment methods (Renn Klinke, 2012: 61-62). Variability arises in a situation
where the problem creates a different relationship with each political actor, leading to
mutual disagreements. Interferential effects are related to the overlapping of the problem
with other problems and the occurrence of systematic and random errors that emerge
during problem evaluation by modelling, statistical methods, or experiments.
The remaining characteristics of the uncertainty - lack of knowledge and indeterminacy
of the problem are objective characteristics of uncertainty (Renn Klinke, 2012: 61-
62). Lack of knowledge is associated with a lack of information about the nature of the
problem or a lack of information about the occurrence of a harmful event and its possible
consequences. Indeterminacy of the problem lies in the presence of a random event and
the inclusion of a suboptimal number of variables into the problem evaluation. An
objective component of uncertainty may be, in contrast to its subjective one, only
partially eliminated, but not entirely removed by the improvement of existing knowledge
and evaluation methods (Türkşen Özkan, 2014: 160).
5. Epistemic Communities' access to International Regulation
To diffuse beliefs among other actors in international politics, epistemic communities
must first acquire direct or indirect access to the political decision-making process in the
arena of international politics (Adler Haas, 1992: 375-378; Carayannis et al., 2011:
135). Direct access is understood as involving members of an epistemic community in
political decision-making and in transferring responsibility for creating and implementing
policies to members of epistemic communities or the epistemic community as such.
Organizations unifying epistemic communities can gain direct access by acquiring a
consultative status, while individuals from epistemic communities can gain direct access
to the decision-making process in the policy arenas by getting long-term jobs or by
concluding one-time consultative contracts (Adler - Haas, 1992: 376, Carayannis et al.,
2011: 135). Organizing professional symposia during political negotiations and the
formulation of statements on political issues in professional studies is an example of
indirect access by epistemic communities to the decision-making process in policy
arenas.
Within the international policy arena, international political decisions are negotiated and
implemented (Webber Smith, 2014: 30). Their function is to exercise international
regulation that represents a deliberate and direct intervention in activities of actors in a
particular area of international politics through the making of a set of rules, norms,
principles and decision-making procedures (see Table 3 / Krasner, 1982: 186, Koop
Lodge, 2017: 105). The rules are understood as abstract objects that exist independently
of human activities outside of space and time and guide behaviour (Hage, 2015: 14).
Human activity in the form of an expression of consent by an individual or community
decides whether these rules are valid (Sainsbury Tye, 2013: 42).
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Table 3: Elements of international regulation
Rules
Norms
Principles
Decision-making procedures
Source: authors on the basis of identified used sources
The rules that define acceptable or forbidden manners of behaviour using a value-based
reason are called norms (Hage, 2015: 14; Wang-Wang, 2015: 200). The value-based
reason takes the form of a causal or guiding relationship (Hage, 2011: 156-157). The
causal relationship explains the connection between the cause and consequence of the
relationship between two or more events or between events and the mental state. In
contrast, the guiding relationship defines the connection between events and acceptable
or forbidden behaviour or between the mental state and the acceptable or forbidden
manners of behaviour (Hage, 2011: 157-158). The principles are rules that alike norms
create acceptable or forbidden behaviour using moral reason (Bix, 2015: 135-142). Moral
reason is distinguished from norm assessment reason since its validity must be accepted
- if possible - by all members of a particular group or society (Grabowski, 2015: 344).
Decision-making procedures are also elements of international regulation. They
represent a process of negotiation during which political actors argue about formulation,
execution and enforcement of political decisions (Krasner, 1982: 186; Wu et al., 2012:
50-51; Ciot, 2014: 64-65). Their form depends on the character of active actors
participating in the political arena particularly on their perceptions, preferences,
attitudes to the problem and their capacity of power. An actor can be an individual or
group of individuals that represent mentioned political and bureaucratic elites and has
full responsibility for fulfilling their political goals. Within the negotiating process, they
take up a particular position which affects their bargaining approach or, more precisely,
their influence on a solution to an international political problem (Ciot, 2014: 107-111).
Actors’ perceptions, preferences and positions to the problem are related to broader
national interests, including security issues, which embrace values that are crucial to the
actor’s survival and its economic prosperity (Webber Smith, 2014: 39-42). The form of
a decision-making procedure dealing with a particular problem is determined by
complexity and uncertainty levels. These are directly linked to an actor’s ability to foresee
consequences and outcomes of adopted political decisions (Wu et al., 2012: 53-54). If
he is able to anticipate them in advance and supposing there is consensus on the
development of a political decision between all of the relevant actors, their decision-
making is considered to be rational, since they contemplate maximization of interests
and values (Wu et al., 2012: 53).
Contrarily, if a given decision-making process is pressed for time and an actor’s ability
to forestall the consequences of a particular political decision is limited, decisions of
actors active in the political arena depend on the given conflict, and their own ability to
negotiate and make a compromise. In this case, the desired outcome would be successive
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Epistemic communities and their influence in international politics: updating of the concept
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comparisons between proposed amendments and decisions that have been previously
carried out and enforced. It usually indicates marginal alteration of the current state. The
maximisation of individual goals is objectionable.
Regarding this marginal change, political decisions correspond with discharging of
interests and values of individual actors rather than with the technologically most efficient
problem-solving method (Wu et al., 2012: 53-54). Provided there is apparently high
uncertainty between actors regarding decision consequences and there is a high number
of actors involved in the process, the final political decision will be in accordance with the
temporary goals and values of the actor or group of actors having the biggest power
potential at their disposal (Wu et al., 2012: 54).
6. Diffusing beliefs of epistemic communities
Epistemic communities use modes of persuasion when introducing a problem, and their
ability to diffuse shared normative and causal beliefs among other actors of international
politics grows (see Table 4). Modes of persuasion include statistical indicators, focusing
events and framing beliefs by narratives. Statistical indicators as an exact method
demonstrate accuracy, correctness and objectivity through fine measuring (Stone, 2011:
184, 197). Before that, the data are sorted by analogy into two groups. The one having
substantial characteristics of the problem becomes the subject of measurement, while
the other one with inessential features will be omitted (Stone, 2016: 161). By
commencing this process, the epistemic community indicates interest in pursuing further
development which is related to the rising importance of the problem (Kingdon, 2014:
90-94; Stone 2016: 166). The course of categorization depends on the judgment of an
actor who assesses the problem and on a form of created categories which is conditional
on social culture in a particular place and time (Stone, 2016: 162).
Table 4: Modes of persuasion of epistemic communities
statistical indicators
focusing events
narratives
Source: author on the basis of identified used sources
Epistemic communities can diffuse their beliefs more easily by expressing the nature of
the problem through figures. It expresses the common attributes of a particular problem
and unifies them into groups (Stone, 2011: 194). Furthermore, diffusion is facilitated
also by identification of problem magnitude through several statistical indexes from
different sources (Birkland, 2011: 192-193). The ability of epistemic communities to do
that is associated with the particular interpretation of indexes dealing with the problem
(Kingdon, 2014: 93-94). If the statistical indexes are related to a crucial argument
supporting adoption of a political decision, it increases (Pearson, 2010: 344-346).
Focusing events also significantly augment the ability of an epistemic community to
diffuse its beliefs (Birkland, 2011: 180). They symbolise triggers that transform negligible
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problems to ones that require fundamental decisions. They increase not only the
probability of a long-lasting problem remaining on the political agenda but also the
possibility of finding a solution to the given problem.
Their common characteristics are suddenness and relative rareness (Birkland
Warnement, 2013: 4). They cause consequences that are focused on an exact place and
time and cover a large realm. They bring negative externalities to the immediate
attention of political actors.
Narratives are another option for epistemic communities to diffuse their beliefs among
other actors of international politics. These communication means comprise of four
elements: the frame of the narrative, characters, storyline and lessons to be learned
(Jones et al., 2014: 5). By its creation, the narrative is framed into a particular context
(indisputable legal and institutional principles, commonly known and widely respected
facts relating to specific geographical area Jones et al. 2014: 6).
The characters of a given narrative as anthropomorphic abstractions of specific context
do not have to be just persons. However, they always have human characteristics or
appearance (Stone, 2011: 166-169). Characters play three different roles: heroes, if they
solve a political problem; villains, if they cause one; and victims, if they are aggrieved
by it. The storyline defines the relation between the characters and the story. It can be
found all over the story.
The denouement of a given storyline can be detected by the alteration of problem-solving
and by use of power. The second option can lead to both gain/loss of control over a
political problem (Stone, 2011: 159-168). The story ends either with a moral which
constitutes a draft of a political decision and strengthens the current situation, or
information about uncertainty that requires thorough specification of a problem (McBeth
et al., 2012: 163-164).
Epistemic communities diffuse their beliefs among other actors of international politics
via a process of institutional learning (Carayannis et al., 2011: 138-140). Provided
transfer of beliefs is successful, they are taken into consideration and beliefs gradually
become part of a political agenda (Birkland, 2011: 169-170). An agenda comprises a list
of problems and their solutions which are debated by actors of international politics in
the international political arena. In practice, it means that a given problem has caught
actors’ attention. After a problem is solved, it is pulled out of the political agenda.
Supposing actors utilize shared beliefs for formulation, execution and enforcement of
political decisions during this process, epistemic communities’ influence is manifested in
a particular international political agenda, more precisely in international politics (Dunlop,
2012: 238-240).
7. Conclusion
This paper traced previous research using the concept of epistemic communities and their
influence in international politics and responded to its limitations. The paper used a social
constructivist approach for elaboration criteria of the professionalization process needed
for recognition of epistemic communities. It nominally concretized and elaborated
elements of common culture, the selection process of new members, possibilities of their
further professional development and the importance of frequent meetings of individual
members.
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e-ISSN: 1647-7251
Vol. 9, Nº. 2 (November 2018-April 2019), pp.1-15
Epistemic communities and their influence in international politics: updating of the concept
Miloslav Machoň, Jana Kohoutová, Jana Burešová, Jaroslava Bobková
12
It also elaborated the concept of their influence in international regulation. The paper
specified conditions of demand for activities of epistemic communities. Among these
conditions is the introduction of complex problems with an element of uncertainty,
acquisition of direct or indirect access to the political decision-making process in the
arenas of international politics and the ability of these arenas to execute international
regulation.
Finally, the paper explained and elaborated the diffusion process of shared beliefs created
by epistemic communities. It is diffused between other actors of international politics by
modes of persuasion that are comprised of three main attributes: statistical indicators,
focusing events and narratives. Shared beliefs are transferred between epistemic
communities and other actors via a process of institutional learning. The process is
considered successful when they become part of the political agenda. Utilization of the
shared beliefs for formulation, execution and enforcement of political decisions is
manifested in the influence of epistemic communities in international politics. Theoretical
framework presented here opens the horizon for doing case study research on different
specific areas, such as environmental and climate diplomacy, trade agreements,
monetary unions reforms and many others.
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