OBSERVARE

Universidade Autónoma de Lisboa

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Notes

THE CONSTRUCTION OF DEMOCRACY IN CAPE VERDE: FROM PORTUGUESE

COLONIAL CONDITIONALISM TO INTERNATIONAL RECOGNITION

João Paulo Madeira

jpbrancomadeira@gmail.com

PhD in Social Sciences from Lisbon University (UL, Portugal). Assistant Professor at the University

of Cape Verde (Uni-CV). Member of the Research Group on Practices, Media and Digital

Competencies at the Autonomous University of Lisbon (NIP@COM/UAL).

Bruno Carriço Reis

breis@autonoma.pt

PhD in Social Sciences from the Universidade Pontifícia de São Paulo and PhD in Communication

Sciences from Universidad Rey Juan Carlos de Madrid. Assistant Professor at the Universidade

Autónoma de Lisboa and visiting professor of the Master’s Degree course on digital cultures of

Universidad Autónoma de Querétaro (Mexico). Collaborates with Cabo Verde University, where he

was coordinator of Social Sciences between 2010 and 2012. Member of the Nucleus of Studies in

Art, Media and Politics (NEAMP/PUC-SP). Member of the Research Group on Practices, Media and

Digital Competencies at the Autonomous University of Lisbon (NIP@COM/UAL).

Introduction to the process of democratic consolidation in Cape Verde

Cape Verde gained independence from Portugal on 5

July 1975. This article aims at

analysing the main institutional settings from the moment of independence to the

legislative election of 2016. We start by discussing the political importance of anti-

colonialist movements for the self-determination of Cape Verde as a sovereign state.

Regarding the post-independence period, we will discuss the process of establishment of

the “leviathan state" (Correia e Silva, 2001), a pivotal moment in Cape Verdean politics,

in which the African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde (PAIGC) is

constituted as state apparatus.

Then, we will explain the political reform and modernisation of the state before regime

change, a moment of transition from a revolutionary to a liberal democracy (Koudawo,

2001; Silveira, 2005). We will detail the steps of the democratisation of power (Almada,

2011; Wood, 2016a), which was more than a necessity; it was a requirement of the

international institutions (Évora, 2013a).

The translation of this article was funded by national funds through FCT - Fundação para a Ciência e

a Tecnologia - as part of OBSERVARE project with the reference UID/CPO/04155/2013, with the aim of

publishing Janus.net. Text translated by Thomas Rickard.

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Complementarily, the article revisits the profuse debate about democracy in Cape Verde,

especially the reformatting of the organs of the state (Sanches, 2011, 2013). Significant

changes that were made in the Presidency of the Republic (2004), as well as on electoral

and party system allowed, on the one hand, for the imposition of other dynamics

regarding civil society organisation, which had been the target of political parties (Costa,

2013) and, on the other hand, redefine the debate on gender and political representation

(Monteiro, 2015).

Decolonisation and political transition towards self-determination in

Cape Verde

It is essential to understand, analyse and explain the colonial period as an important

political conditionalism in the construction process of the nation state in Cape Verde

(Silveira, 2005). Like some African states, Cape Verde was under the administration of

the Portuguese state for almost five centuries (1460-1975), inheriting the Portuguese

administration model (Martins, 2010). With the installation of colonies on the African

continent, the Portuguese Empire sought to establish commercial warehouses and occupy

strategic zones through agreements with African leaders to expand its influence (Valles

1974). The colonial state created structures of power and decision-making, investing in

the cadres of the metropolis with the intention of expanding its sphere in the politico-

economic domain (Marques, 1999).

Moreover, in Cape Verde the state bet on the “old Cape Verdean elite” to conclude the

project of colonial domination (Hofbauer, 2011). Anjos (2002) characterised this elite as

a “mediator”, who in the late 19

century sought to claim “a special status in the

Portuguese colonial scheme” (Madeira, 2014: 9).

The advent of the Estado Novo or Second Republic (1926-1974) in Portugal marks a new

period in the history of the Portuguese colonies in Africa. In the 1950s, the regime of

Estado Novo (1933-1974) was confronted with problems concerning its possessions in

Africa, mainly because Portugal intended to enter the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation

(NATO) in April 1949 and join the United Nations (UN), which happened in December

1955 with the strong support of the United States of America, since it remained with its

air and naval bases in the Azores archipelago (Antunes, 2013). As a way of circumventing

the demands of the UN, Salazar considered that Portugal was a multi-racial, multi-

continental, unique and indivisible nation, extending from Minho to Timor, with the

prospect that all overseas provinces formed a single united and inseparable body

(Henriques, 2004).

Although the Estado Novo remained until 1961 under this disguise, which was supported

by the USA by constantly refraining from UN resolutions condemning Portugal’s policy in

Africa (Antunes, 2013), the situation became unsustainable as liberation movements in

Africa advanced and colonial wars broke out from February 1961 to the fall of the regime

in 1974 (Almada, 2011, Graça, 2004 and Pereira, 2003).

As far as Cape Verde is concerned, in the mid-1950s Amílcar Cabral travelled to Bissau

and in 1956 founded, in collaboration with Aristides Pereira, Elisée Turpin, Fernando

Fortes, Júlio de Almeida and Luís Cabral, the first clandestine cells of PAIGC (Cabral,

1974a: 91). In the party, “every militant would take the solemn commitment to give

everything, including his own life, to the full realisation of the programme” (Pereira,

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2003: 87) of “national unity in Guinea and Cape Verde” (Cabral, 1979: 4). To achieve

this goal, it was necessary not only to reinforce the socialist spirit, but also to work hard

so that these two populations could awaken to the liberation struggle, and thus “the final

phase of the liquidation of imperialism” (Cabral, 1974b: 12)

In Cape Verde, the clandestine activities of the PAIGC began to emerge in the late 1960s.

With the conditions set, on January 23, 1963, armed action began in the territory of

Guinea-Bissau, and PAIGC declared war on Portugal (Coutinho, 2015). This was only

because Cabral’s proposals did not receive favourable acceptance either from the

Portuguese government or from the UN, and for this reason the patriotic forces “came to

a generalised action against the colonialist forces in January of 1963” (Cabral, 1974c:

15).

In January 1973 Amílcar Cabral was murdered in Conakry, victim of a conspiracy within

the PAIGC, with the support of the International Police and State Defence (PIDE), which

intended to promote the division of the party (Pereira, 2003). The struggle for self-

determination continued, and in the same year the first National People’s Congress (ANP)

was elected in the liberated regions of Guinea, which in September declared the

independence of the new Republic of Guinea-Bissau, recognised by the UN and by more

than 70 sovereign states. This legitimised the PAIGC as the sole and authentic

representative of the people, which immediately proposed to Portugal the withdrawal of

its military forces from the territory of Guinea (Almada, 2011).

However, the independence of Cape Verde was not made official in the same year,

because according to the PAIGC report on the situation of the country, the fight was still

in the sphere of clandestine political action, and the two countries were subject to a

statute that was the result of different dynamics of the party’s action in each of the two

territories, since an assembly had been freely established in Guinea-Bissau, which would

have proclaimed a sovereign state (PAIGC, 1974). The revolution of 25

April accelerated

the process of independence of Cape Verde and, on 17

October 1974 General Francisco

Costa Gomes, (who replaced General António de Spínola in the presidency of the

Portuguese Republic), addressed the UN General Assembly in New York, ensuring that

Portuguese decolonisation was a necessity and that, in fact, it would be necessary for

self-determination and independence

to be adapted as solutions for the needs of the

new states (Lopes, 2002).

In view of these events, the PAIGC sought to the independence of Cape Verde with

Portugal. After several failed attempts, the Portuguese government promised in

December 1974 that, within six months, it would grant the independence of Cape Verde

See in this respect Law No. 7/74, of 27th July – Direito das Colónias à Independência, Diário do Governo

nº 174/1974, 1º Suplemento, Série I – which establishes the acquisition of the principle of recognition by

Portugal of the right of Article 6: “The Portuguese Government reaffirms the right of the people of Cape

Verde to self-determination and independence and ensures the realisation of this right in accordance with

the relevant resolutions of the United Nations, also taking into account the expressed will of the United

Nations and of the Organisation of African Unity,” and Article 7: “The Portuguese Government and PAIGC

consider that Cape Verde’s access to independence within the general framework of the decolonisation of

African territories under Portuguese domination is a necessary factor for lasting peace and cooperation

between the Portuguese Republic and the Republic of Guinea-Bissau.” The agreement signed in Algiers was

attended by two delegations: the PAIGC Executive Committee of the Fight (CEL) composed of Pedro Pires,

CEL member and commander, Umarú Djalo, CEL member and commander, José Araújo, CEL member, Otto

Schacht, CEL member, Lúcio Soares, CEL member and commander, Luís Oliveira Sanca, ambassador, and

the Portuguese Government Delegation by Mário Soares, Minister of Foreign Affairs, António de Almeida

Santos, Minister of Interterritorial Coordination, Vicente Almeida d’Eça, captain of sea and war, and Hugo

Manuel Rodrigues Santos, major of infantry.

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and that during this period a transitional government would be appointed, consisting of

a high commissioner and five ministers in charge of one or more departments. Here the

high commissioner and two other ministers would be appointed by the Portuguese

government, and the remainder by the PAIGC (Lopes, 2002; Silva, 2015). The purpose

of this government was to create the institutional and legislative conditions for the

electoral census and, consequently, to allow the election by direct and universal suffrage

of the first Constituent Assembly in June 1975, where Abílio Duarte was nominated as

president.

The breakdown of Cape Verde with Guinea-Bissau and the political

solution of the single party

The Constituent Assembly was responsible for declaring the independence of Cape Verde

and within 90 days it had to approve the first Constitution of the Republic of Cape Verde

(CRCV) (Silva, 2015). However, the first constitution was approved only in September

1980, noting the non-compliance of the agreement, since it was the Law on Political

Organisation of the State (LOPE), considered as a pre-constitution that would fill the

constitutional void in the period of five years (Silva, 2015).

For the constitution of the National People’s Congress (ANP) 56 deputies were elected,

and the PAIGC, which, through a list presented by a group of citizens, was the only party

to participate in these elections, since it was considered as the only party force able to

represent popular will, and also because other political parties such as the Democratic

Union of Cape Verde (UDC) and the Union of the People of the Cape Verde Islands

(UPICV)

and citizen groups did not have enough forces and structures to face the PAIGC

in these elections. The elected ANP had the power to elect the President of the Republic

(who at the time was Aristides Pereira) as general secretary of the PAIGC, and Pedro

Pires as prime minister (Cardoso, 2015; Coutinho, 2015; Lopes, 2002).

Given this scenario, the PAIGC had all the conditions to begin its binational leadership.

Regardless of whether Cape Verde and Guinea-Bissau had separate heads of state, they

nevertheless maintained the same ideology and a similar political system. Although the

political regime constitutionally adopted by the PAIGC in Cape Verde was characterised

by national revolutionary democracy, it nevertheless distinguished itself from liberal

democracies and former socialist countries, whose representative bodies were elected or

constituted with the participation of society through the mechanism of direct suffrage

(Lima, 1992). In practice, it was configured as a single-party regime whose central

feature was that it did not allow “the circulation of the seat of power nor ideological

alternation” (Fernandes, 2010: 149).

The state of Cape Verde was an instrument in the service of the PAIGC, considering that

the power of the party shaped the entire state apparatus, materialising the idea that it

makes the decisions while the “parliament ratifies and gives legal force to decisions, and

the government runs under the control of the party” (Lopes, 2002: 652). Thus, it would

make sense that once the configuration of the exercise of power was established, the

PAICG would eventually be confused with the state itself, characterising the idea of a

party-state (Silveira, 1998). In addition, the party was enshrined by the CRCV of 1980

in Article 4 as the only leading political force of civil society and the state (Koudawo,

2001).

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In view of the troubled moments in Guinea-Bissau (namely the coup that took place on

November 1980) that led to the dismissal of President Luís Cabral, the Cape Verdean

government, seeking to safeguard its integrity, ended up breaking with the project of

unity, proceeding with the change in the status quo of the Cape Verdean state (Lopes

2002). The rupture “was substantiated when the politicians of Praia, in an attitude

qualified as ‘betrayal’ by Guinea, proceeded to the binational separation of the party,

creating the PAICV and putting an end to the utopian union of the same people in two

separate territories” (Nóbrega, 2003: 229)

It should be noted that this event was the consequence of a process that had been

dragging on since the colonial era, in an intensification of distrust and competitiveness

between the two countries. An asymmetrical distribution of power contributed to this

situation. Administrative posts were generally occupied by Cape Verdeans, since they

had higher levels of education, participation and access to the labour market, and

because they spoke Portuguese correctly (Mateus, 1999). Even within PAIGC, there were

early incompatibilities between the Guinean wing and the Cape Verdean wing, the first

being formed by members of the popular class that obeyed the military party hierarchy,

and the second, composed of a bourgeois elite with a more cohesive leadership

(Coutinho, 2015; Lopes, 2002).

However, the “anti-Cape Verdean sentiment quickly overcame the restricted scope of the

power struggle in the PAIGC, becoming a more or more widespread repudiation in

Guinean society” (Nóbrega 2003: 126-127). This whole process triggered a general wave

of discontent, since it is considered that the two countries would have done little or

nothing to implement this unit, which were mere declarations of intent, even though

there were several protocol signatures of cooperation in the attempt to unite both

countries institutionally (Medeiros, 2012).

Cape Verde sought to embark on a new stage that was marked by a policy of peace and

dialogue, even though there were ideological differences within the PAIGC/CV and the

fact that it found itself in a troubled international context, especially because of the Cold

War (Madeira, 2016b). Regarding politico-ideological differences, it was found that,

within the party, a new wing called “Trotskyists” appeared, which defended a more open

and pluralist regime (Évora, 2004).

This new wing was composed mostly of former students who had acted clandestinely in

Portugal and who, after 25th April having returned to Cape Verde, could only make a

certain amount of opposition within the party.

According to Cardoso (2015: 84), that date stood out the following members: Manuel Faustino, 27 years

old; Minister of the Transitional Government, Minister of Education (1974-1975). José Luís Fernandes, 27

years old, member of the CNCV and the PAIGC delegation to the negotiations in Lisbon and Minister of

Finance (1975-76). Amaro da Luz, 41 years old, member of the CNCV, Minister of Economic Coordination

of the Transitional Government (1975). António Gualberto do Rosário, 27 years old, member of the PAIGC

Regional Directorate by São Nicolau and Sal. Cândido Santana, 24 years old, member of the CNCV and

political leader of Santiago. Euclides Fontes, 24 years old. Eugénio Inocêncio, 25 years old, member of the

CNCV and political leader of Santo Antão, São Vicente and Sal. Carlos Lima (Calú), 22 years old, political

officer of Brava. Carlos Moniz (Polampa), 27 years old. Emídio Lima, 22 years old, member of the PAIGC

Regional Office in São Vicente. Eurico Monteiro, 21 years old. Érico Veríssimo, 27 years old, National Director

of Information (1975-1976). Jacinto Santos, 21 years old, responsible for the Cape Verde Cooperatives.

José Tomás da Veiga, 24 years old, member of the CNCV, State Secretary for Finance (1977-1979). Jorge

Carlos Fonseca, 23 years old, General Director of Emigration and Consular Services and General Secretary

of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (1975-1979). José Eduardo Barbosa, 23 years old, political officer of São

Nicolau and Fogo. Luís Leite, 27 years old. Manuel Tolentino, 25 years old, responsible for information.

Renato Cardoso, 24 years old, Counselor to the Prime Minister and Secretary of Public Administration.

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Several researchers have explored this issue by collecting information about this group.

The statements of Pedro Martins in Testemunho de um combatente (1995) and the

narratives about the process of independence and construction of the Cape Verdean state

in Os bastidores da independência (2002) and Cabo Verde: as causas da independência

(2003) by José Vicente Lopes help to understand this phenomenon. There was something

highlighted by Jorge Querido in his 1989 called Cabo Verde: subsídios para a história da

nossa luta de libertação and the counter-argument presented the following year by

Manuel Faustino in Jorge Querido: subsídios sob suspeita. The author seeks to dismantle

the discourse presented by Querido, considering that “in this epic there are episodes very

ill-told” (1990: 23), especially the responsibilities they attribute to him, particularly

regarding the “Trotskyist group leadership” (Furtado, 2016: 880). Manuel Faustino

considers that there were different ways of being in politics between them and the more

conservative wing of the party (Lopes, 2002).

In 1979, with the disengagement of this wing from the PAIGC, Manuel Faustino, Eugénio

Inocêncio, José Tomás Veiga and Jorge Carlos Fonseca founded in 1980, under the

leadership of the latter, the Cape Verdean Circles for Democracy (CCPD) and other

associations such as the Cape Verdean Human Rights League, whose primary intention

was defence against political repression. Both institutions were essential in the creation

of the Movement for Democracy (MpD) in March 1990, which sought to oppose the PAICV

regime and to embody “the will of Cape Verdean society to free itself from undemocratic

systems and their sequels, namely the omnipotence and omnipresence of the welfare

state and underdevelopment” (MpD, 1993: 3). The political transition was triggered by a

combination of internal and external factors that allowed the adoption of a democratic

regime in Cape Verde, putting an end to the single-party regime.

Political opening and configuration of the multi-party democratic regime

The fall of the Berlin Wall in November 1989 unleashed the “third wave of

democratisation” (Huntington, 2012). In Cape Verde, this event strongly challenged the

PAICV regime, providing the necessary conditions for political openness. With the

collapse of socialism, African regimes “lost the ability to use the East-West rivalry, which

until then had kept the flow of international funds at the disposal of its elites

uninterrupted” (Nóbrega, 2010: 130). At the institutional level, the first step was the fall

of Article 4, which led to the opening for other party forces to compete in the elections

in Cape Verde (Évora 2013a).

In addition to the MpD, other parties re-emerged, such as the Union of the People of the

Cape Verde Islands (UPICV)

and the Cape Verdean Independent and Democratic Union

(UCID)

which were based outside Cape Verde and did not meet the minimum

requirements for legalisation, therefore they could not compete in legislative elections

(Sanches, 2011). The first multi-party, free and pluralist elections took place on January

13, 1991, after the political opening in 1990. PAICV and MpD were the only parties to

dispute them, with the national territory divided into 22 constituencies with an extra 3

abroad (Africa, America, Europe and the rest of the world), seeking to elect 79 deputies

Musician and composer of mornas and ballads such as Porton d'Nos Ilha, Tanha e Tera bo Sabe. Author of

the book Cabo Verde – Opção por uma política de paz (1986). Sérgio Augusto Cardoso Centeio, 26 years

old, member of the CNCV and Minister of Agriculture and Water (1975-1976). Terêncio Alves, member of

CNCV, and Victor Fidalgo, member of PAIGC’s Regional Directorate in São Vicente.

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(Évora, 2013b). The participation of the voters was around 76%, which was quite high

and demonstrated the will of the Cape Verdean population to change the regime, since

the MpD was able to elect 56 deputies, and the PAICV, 23 (Évora, 2013b). The MpD

leader Carlos Veiga replaced Pedro Pires as prime minister and, in the presidential

elections of February 1991, António Mascarenhas, who entered with an independent

candidacy supported by MpD, replaced Aristides Pereira. In the municipal elections held

on 15

December of the same year, the MpD candidates won 8 of the 14 city halls

(Sanches, 2013).

Cape Verde began to present characteristics of a democratic country with rule of law and

interdependence and respect for the separation of powers prevailed. This configuration

occurs with the promulgation in 1992 of the new CRCV and of a voluminous set of laws

covering social and economic areas that guaranteed “the transition from the single-party

system to the multi-party system” (Silveira, 1998: 156). A system of semi-presidential

government was also established in Cape Verde, which is still a subject of discussion

among researchers. Similarly, there was the implementation of an electoral system

following the D'Hondt method of proportional representation in legislative and municipal

elections and a two-seat majority electoral system for presidential elections (Costa,

2009). The political system follows the multi-party CRCV, but despite the emergence of

several political parties – the Democratic Convergence Party (PCD), Labour and Solidarity

Party (PTS), Democratic Renewal Party (PRD) – electoral acts to date (1991-2016)

eventually crystallised a system of bipartisanship with the MpD and PAICV.

Current Challenges to the Consolidation of Democracy in Cape Verde

Cape Verdean democracy is one of the youngest on the African continent (Évora, 2013a)

and its consolidation depends on the efficiency of institutions, which must govern

compliance with democratic rules, creating all the requirements that make democracy

possible and functional (Rustow, 1970). From a brief ethno-sociological analysis, it can

be seen that the atypical character of the Cape Verdean democracy is due to several

factors, especially the fact that the construction of the nation was the result of historical

processes, cultural movements and the formation of a national consciousness (Baleno

2001; Fonseca, 2012; Góis, 2006; Lopes, 2001; Madeira, 2016d; Pereira, 2011; Silveira,

2005) in a long-lasting movement that began with the settlement in the 15

century.

The genesis of the Cape Verdean modern elite emerges from the second half of the 19th

century, when the natives of the islands began to occupy positions in the administration,

since they had higher levels of education in relation to the population of other

Portuguese-speaking African countries. This phenomenon occurred thanks to the

contribution of the Catholic Church and the presence of the colonial state, with the

institutionalisation of primary education in 1817, namely with the creation of the first

primary school in Vila da Praia and the appearance of the first classes in the Main School

of Primary Education in 1848 on the island of Brava, as well as with the creation of the

first National Lyceum in 1861 in the city of Praia. This aspect brought significant

importance to the elite schooling that was, however, used as a mediator in the

management of the colonial administration (Barros, 2013; Fernandes, 2006).

Cape Verde has never been subject to the Statute of the Indigenous, which happened in

other Portuguese-speaking African countries. The law, written on 4

November 1947,

declares in its preamble the non-applicability of the Statute of the Indigenous to the

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natives of Cape Verde, considering that the populations of the archipelago are not subject

even to the classification.

Cape Verde came to independence under the aegis of a unity project between Guinea-

Bissau and Cape Verde, to fight for liberation against colonial oppression and social

injustice. Although the basis of the formation of the Cape Verdean identity is intrinsically

linked to the past of the social formation engendered in the islands, it has come to emerge

with its uniqueness and correlative sociocultural patterns.

Given the insularity and climatic conditions, the Cape Verdean population sought to

survive and one of the key behaviours contributing to this survival was the hospitality

and good coexistence of its inhabitants, which has also contributed to political stability.

This pre-disposition is reflected in the way Cape Verdeans internalise democratic rules,

which translates into democratic consolidation, since this is effectively a reality, especially

in the post-conflict phase with the behaviour of its inhabitants constituting a reference in

the African region (Madeira, 2016d: 55)

Democratic consolidation presupposes a process of conversion of weak and seemingly

incomplete and unstable regimes into a stronger, cohesive and solid regime in which the

democratic rules become reference for political behaviour (Schmitter, 1995). According

to political transition theorists (Collier and Levitsky, 1997; Linz, 1990a, 1990b, 1994;

Przeworski, Alvarez and Limongi, 1996; Schmitter, 1995), the change of political regime,

with consequent institutional stabilisation, gradually settles democratic institutions. The

new political configurations resulting from the regime change start to establish routines

as democracy becomes the only possible setting for this society (Linz, 1990b).

In the case of Cape Verde, democratic consolidation was based on an institutional system

(Przeworski, Alvarez and Limongi, 1996), in which political actors put into practice the

normative requirements necessary for the functioning of a democracy, including the

institutional elements that allow one to understand the process of democratic

consolidation in Cape Verde, which greatly contributed to the international credibility of

the country

[i] Political transition: in comparison with some African countries, especially those with

Portuguese as their official language, Cape Verde presents a model of consolidated

political transition. First, the MpD won the first free and multi-party legislative elections,

defeating the PAICV and, secondly, the new multi-party regime did not show any signs

of political regression, which was the case in Angola, Guinea Bissau and Mozambique,

where there was a climate of pessimism and uncertainty regarding the future of

democracy (Évora, 2013a);

[ii] The government system and separation of powers: the institutionalisation of the post-

transition government system, which is characterised at the theoretical, political and

See in this regard see Madeira, João Paulo’s (2015a) unpublished doctoral dissertation entitled Nação e

Identidade a Singularidade de Cabo Verde. The formation of identity happened in a specifically Cape

Verdean way, which has been the object of a recurrent debate, especially by the cultural elites, tendentially

aggregated in Africanists, Europeanists, and singularists. If, on the one hand, after the settlement of the

islands of the archipelago, one began to architect an identity even though in an incipient way, on the other

hand, this same identity has allowed, over time, the construction of a nation state that is singular in the

remaining postcolonial African states.

Regarding this, see the Communication from the Commission to the Council and the European Parliament

on the future of relations between the European Union and the Republic of Cape Verde, which dates back

to 2007.

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constitutional level as semi-presidentialism (Canas and Fonseca, 2007; Lima, 2004),

allowed the various organs of the state to enjoy a new status, in the perspective that

powers should be attributed to prevent their concentration, without impairing their

operation.

However, given the parliamentary majority, partisan discipline and legislative

competence of the government over matters not reserved for parliament, there has been

a supremacy of the executive over the legislative power (Madeira, 2015b). However, the

current Cape Verdean semi-presidential system, which combines the virtues of pure

systems (parliamentarianism and presidentialism), has presented positive results in

terms of governance, efficiency and capacity to overcome political crises

(Elgie, 2011).

[iii] Civil society and political culture: the absence of an active and participatory civil

society has been, according to Bratton (1998), one of the obstacles to the consolidation

of democracy on the African continent. In establishing the connection between the factors

that should promote the consolidation of this regime, Linz and Stepan (1998) consider

that, first, a free and active civil society must be created with the existence of self-

organised groups such as civil associations, trade unions and social movements that

defend their interests and opinions. In fact, consolidation requires that people place their

trust in institutions and inter- and intra-institutional relations based “on the ‘values of

order’ they recognise” (Monclaire, 2001: 69). A good government is one that can

guarantee that the actions of private actors and citizens must be able to control the

government through various instruments such as, for example, accountability

(Przeworski, Alvarez and Limongi, 1996).

In the case of Cape Verde, although the ideology of good governance emphasised the

strengthening of dialogue and civil society participation in the political life, Costa (2013)

is of the opinion that, given the “omnipresence” of the state and electoral agendas, civil

society has been atrophied, facing a scenario of “dominant civic lethargy” and the cultural

and intellectual elites have not had spaces for autonomous action. The single-party

regime prevented the Cape Verdean civil society from having access to a vast set of

essential rights, particularly political participation.

The silence of civil society, as in authoritarian regimes, according to Mainwaring and

Share (1989), is related to the fact that there are no legal and institutional channels for

their expression and contestation. Therefore, the political leaders interpreted it as a sign

of approval of the regime, many of them opting for political openness, believing that they

would remain in power. In addition, a lack of interest in Cape Verdean civil society has

its repercussions in the current political system, whose political culture still embodies an

authoritarian political habit (Costa, 2013).

With the emergence of some civic movements in Cape Verde in the last three years (2012

to 2015), in particular the Civic Action Movement (MAC#114) in April 2015, the debate

The political scientists mentioned here argue that the parliamentary system is the most adequate for

democratic stability and, therefore, for its consolidation. For Linz (1990a), with the parliamentary system,

countries live longer in democracy because the government is accountable to parliament because it is under

threat of a possible censure motion. In Cape Verde, this theoretical model is not adequate, since the

parliamentary system in the single-party regime proved to have failed, since there was an overlap of the

Parliament, in which the interests of the hyper-represented party surpassed that of the deputies, and

democratic rules almost were not applied at all.

In the model of analysis proposed by the political transition theorists that we have mentioned, the party

system, the configuration of constituencies, inter- and intra-party relations, the division of powers and the

legal forms of the state (Monclaire, 2001) are issues that are left aside. In our view, and specifically looking

at the process of democratic consolidation in Cape Verde, it is evident that the efficiency of democracy

depends on inter- and intra-institutional relations.

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on political culture and the public sphere was reopened, considering that civil society has

awakened, albeit timidly, and with resources at its disposal for a more active participation

in political life.

[iv]Gender and political representation: even though in recent decades international

organisations have been insisting on promoting gender equality in the political

organisation, thus legitimising feminist struggles, the participation of women in political

decision-making is still relatively low. One of the indicators for measuring and analysing

the quality of democracies is the rate of women’s participation in politics, especially in

the organs of the state, and especially in parliament (Lijphart, 1999). To evaluate the

comparative advantages of the democratic regime, one must insist on the fundamental

centrality of the principle of political equality (Diamond and Morlino, 2005; O’Donnell,

Cullel and Iazzetta, 2004).

In Cape Verde, particularly after independence and political openness, women have

gradually gained important positions in legal and professional terms, having for the first

time attained gender parity in executive power, making the country the first and only on

the African continent to share ministerial positions equally between men and women

(Monteiro, 2013). While there have been some improvements in the promotion of gender

equality and equity in Cape Verde, there is still a long way to go regarding the legislative

power and elective bodies, in this case the political parties (Monteiro, 2013). To promote

gender equality, further develop democracy and improve the accountability of the

political actors, it is necessary to increase the presence of women in political organs, and

some countries have a quota system. Accountability is the designation that translates

the objective responsibility of a person or organisation to respond to other persons or

organisations, involving two elements: the first delegates responsibility for the second to

“manage the resources, generating the obligation for the manager to provide accounts

of their management in a way that demonstrates the good use of these resources“

(Campos, 1990: 33).

Pedro Borges Graça (2008: 418), from an afro-realist perspective, warns that the issue

of transparency and accountability of individuals and institutions in Africa is complex,

since generally we are presented with a personal framework of institutions, rather than

an institutional framework of the population. Graça warns that there are no “shortcuts to

the transparency and accountability of people and institutions in Africa. The road is long

and generational. But the path begins with small steps, and it is done walking” (2008:

420).

Knowing that the political life of societies is dominated by political machines (Bessa,

2002), these are key elements for articulating women’s political interests because of their

power to recruit people into political life and to legitimise their leaders (Goetz and

Sacchet, 2008). In Cape Verde, “women are directly or indirectly discriminated against

in political recruitment processes and are rejected in favour of men by the party organs

responsible for selecting candidates and ordering lists” (Monteiro 2008: 116).

Although special attention should be paid to some institutional elements, it is confirmed

that Cape Verde is a reference case on the African continent, especially since the rules

of democracy have been respected and the rule of law has worked in a normal way and

with no worries of great concern (Évora, 2013b).

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Final considerations; challenges for the Cape Verdean democracy

The democratic course of Cape Verde is somewhat atypical when compared to the African

context, especially when one tries to analyse and understand the process of

independence and democratic institutionalisation (Carriço Reis, 2016).

This article arises historically in the period of the colonial struggle, without which it is not

possible to understand the process of political openness and the institutional

configurations registered since the 1990s. Broad debate on this issue focuses on

institutional and constitutional factors and understands the importance of political, social

and cultural actors in building the nation state and consolidating democracy in Cape

Verde.

These aspects reinforce the idea of a political consolidation carried out based on an

emphasis on institutional elitism, an aspect that accentuates the lack of confidence of the

Cape Verdean civil society regarding political institutions (Afrosondagem, 2015). In a

society in an ascending process of intellectual qualification

and technological

modernisation,

citizenship seems to require that democratic institutions present

mechanisms that allow greater interaction between the representatives and the

represented.

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How to cite this Note

Madeira, João Paulo; Reis, Bruno Carriço (2018). "The construction of democracy in Cape

Verde: from portuguese colonial conditionalism to international recognition". Notes,

JANUS.NET e-journal of International Relations, Vol. 9, N.º 1, May-October 2018. Consulted

[online] on the date of last consultation, DOI: https://doi.org/10.26619/1647-7251.9.1.02