OBSERVARE
Universidade Autónoma de Lisboa
e-ISSN: 1647-7251
Vol. 9, Nº. 1 (May-October 2018), pp. 53-69
POPULISM AS A POLITICAL PHENOMENON
Maria Sousa Galito
maria.sousa.galito@gmail.com
Integrated Researcher of CEsA/CSG – Research in Social Sciences and Management of
ISEG/University of Lisbon (Portugal) since 2013. Postdoctoral researcher and associate
researcher at the History Centre of the Faculty of Arts of the University of Lisbon since 2017. PhD
(2006-08) and Post-Graduate (2002-04) degree in Political Science and International Relations at
the Institute of Political Studies of the Portuguese Catholic University (IEP-UCP). Master in
Economics (1999-2000) at the University of Nantes, France. Degree in Economics (1995/99)
from the University of Évora. National Defence Auditor (2012-14) at the National Defence
Institute. Specialised Training Course for Short Term Observers at ISCSP (2016). Assistant
Professor for five years. Experienced speaker, with regular publication of research articles
nationally and internationally.
Abstract
Populism is a political phenomenon that is difficult to define and therefore to measure. It is
both feared and glorified. Its theorising may itself be a political statement.
Populism is extremist and anti-systemic, thus differentiating itself from what is popular and is
generically accepted, but moderate in scope. It can be a political strategy, an ideology or a
style easily propagated by the media, especially when defended by a charismatic leader,
capable of generating emotions and galvanising the people.
Keywords
Populism, Democracy, Antisystem
How to cite this article
Galito, Maria Sousa (2018). "Populism as a political phenomenon". JANUS.NET e-journal of
International Relations, Vol. 9, Nº. 1, May-October 2018. Consulted [online] on the date of
last consultation, DOI: https://doi.org/10.26619/1647-7251.9.1.4
Article received on May 11, 2017 and accepted for publication on August 31, 2017
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Populism as a political phenomenon
Maria Sousa Galito
54
POPULISM AS A POLITICAL PHENOMENON
1
Maria Sousa Galito
Introduction
The article is divided into three chapters. The first attempts to define populism and
explains the lack of consensus around its conceptualisation.
The second chapter is concerned with assessing the phenomenon, identifying types of
populism, its main targets and proposes some ways of measuring it.
The third chapter contextualises the theme, taking into account the emotions and the
media that project it. It identifies ways of manipulating the masses, directly and
indirectly, before advancing with the main conclusions of the investigation.
From a methodological point of view, secondary sources, books and scientific articles
were consulted, some of which were available online. The translations were carried out
by the author of the article.
1. Define Populism
What is populism? It is a political phenomenon.
2
Its definition is not consensual.
3
Historical divisions,
4
geographic and ideological factors interfere in the attempt to
reconcile it.
5
It has a chameleonic nature.
6
It reproduces in different contexts. It is
1
The translation of this article was funded by national funds through FCT - Fundação para a Ciência e
a Tecnologia - as part of OBSERVARE project with the reference UID/CPO/04155/2013, with the aim of
publishing Janus.net. Text translated by Thomas Rickard.
2
"Populism, as a political phenomenon and its relation to democracy, is currently a source of lively debate..."
(Ostiguy, 2001: 1).
3
"Like many of the terms of the lexicon of political science, populism is marked by a high degree of
contestation... We may argue that populism is so widely used – and usually in a derogatory way to denigrate
any personality we dislike – that it has lost its analytical value and its meaning. "(Moffitt and Tormey, 382)
4
"Taking a look at the 'populist' social movements of history, the concept of populism has already been
applied to the protests of American farmers, as well as to the movements of the narodniki of Russia from
the end of the XIX century. Later the term became popular in the 1960s and 1970s when it was attributed
to the allusive nature of political regimes in Third World countries ruled by charismatic leaders. It was mainly
applied in the political context of Latin America. Today populism is related to a diverse group of actors and
policies. Sílvio Berlusconi, Hugo Chavez, Mahmoud Ahmedinejad, Geet Wilders and the Polish brothers
Kaczynski are all considered populist leaders by commentators and various political agents" (Azzarello,
2011: 9).
5
"Ideology, political parties, populist leaders and speeches grow and spread from America to Europe and
from the Middle East to East Asia. But there is no agreement on how to measure or define this phenomenon.
Populism means different things for different geographic areas, historical contexts and ideologies" (Dinç,
2016: 4).
6
"Comparative literature broadly agrees that populism is confrontational, chameleon, cultural and context-
dependent" (Arter, 2010: 490).
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difficult to find a common denominator for all its expressions.
7
But it is important to mark
out the scope of analysis, to fuel a constructive debate.
8
In the 1960s, one of the earliest essays on the subject recognised the importance of
populism and the difficulty of explaining it.
9
In the next two decades, the phenomenon
was associated with structural Marxism and the theory of modernisation and derived from
the political and historical consequences of peripheral or developing countries. In the
1990's came the concept of neopopulism, which adapted to a changing world in the post-
Cold War period. After this, its value was reduced to an analytical instrument.
10
However,
it recovered force in the second decade of the XXI century.
Within political parties, populism is studied at three levels: classification, description and
admonition. It limits the scope of study, to distinguish the populist agents from the
others. Adjective is the question. The following perspective is normative, for populism,
for some, translates the "true will of the majority" and, for others, "endangers
democracy".
11
In developed countries, populism often has a pejorative connotation, and candidates for
public office repudiate it, even when they use it as a tool and professional projection.
In asymmetric societies, where the privileged are few and the middle class is a minority,
populism can be understood as an act of courage, in favour of "integrity", against the
corruption of the rich.
12
Is populism good or bad? It depends on perspective.
Populist parties are supposed to revolt against the abuse of power, by the strong over
the weak in an unjust community. They defend a radical notion of political equality. They
fight for the supremacy of the people.
If they want to win elections, they are not integrated into the society they criticise and
thus win the loyalty of the electorate that is considered excluded. They organise
themselves outside the system and fight against pressure groups and lobbies. They claim
to be more democratic than any other. They make diffuse speeches that can please the
majority and elevate the population to a homogeneous cultural group capable of the
ambition of power.
13
If they want to hold office, the enemy is external and agents claim to be victims of coup
attempts by the opposition. The information provided may be dubious and the means
7
"Over the past two decades, the term 'populism' has been increasingly used in Western Europe – both in
academic and vernacular language. The concept has been applied to a wide range of political parties such
as Front National in France, Die Linke in Germany, the British National Party of Great Britain and the Lijst
Pim Fortuyn of the Netherlands. As a result of this wide application, there is great disagreement over how
populism should be defined" (Rooduijn and Pauwels, 2010: 2).
8
"Since populism does not tend to disappear in contemporary democracies... as the most diverse studies on
the topic proliferate, it is particularly important that researchers be explicit and precise about a possible
definition of populism. It is not only for proper operationalisation of the phenomenon, but it is also a
necessary prerequisite for a constructive debate that brings together results from multiple cases and time
periods". (Gidron and Bonikowski, 2013: 31)
9
"At present, there is no doubt about the importance of populism. But no one knows exactly what it is. As a
doctrine or movement is elusive and changeable. It springs from all sides, but in many contradictory
formats" (Ionescu & Gellner, 1969: 4).
10
Dinç, 2016: 6.
11
Sikk, 2009: 2-5.
12
"When voters fear that politicians can be influenced or corrupted by the rich elite, they value signs of
integrity. As a result, an honest politician seeking re-election chooses ‘populist’ policies – that is, left-wing
for medium voters – to prove that they have not been taken over by the interests of the right. Politicians
who are influenced by the special interests of the right respond with moderate or center-left policies"
(Acemoglu, Egorov & Sonin, 2013: 771).
13
Corduwener, 2014: 433.
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justify the ends. The rhetoric uses simple and direct messages, easily digested by
ordinary people, tailored to the needs of the moment.
14
In this sense, populism is a
paradox of representative democracy.
15
Populism is prolific in marshy grounds – that is when traditional political parties lose
credibility because they are in crisis, buried in bureaucracies, internal struggles or
obsolete structures. It fights cartel-parties that do not take care of the interests of the
common citizen and do not take responsibility for the confusions they generate.
16
Populist parties claim to fight tirelessly for the people against the privileged of the
system. It weakens existing institutions, implementing alternative programs of wealth
redistribution.
17
But they rarely give power to the masses.
As a general rule, in the aftermath of elections, populism replaces the elite defeated by
a new clientelistic elite, thus rewarded for its support.
18
But when one elite replaces
another, does it no longer have popular bases? Can populists be against populism as
soon as they join the (new) system?
There are countries where political discourse constantly invokes democratic virtues. But
when the protest of the populations becomes uncomfortable, the elite try to reduce it to
insignificance and the state domesticates it to its measure. The nation sometimes forgets
its revolutionary past
19
and abuses technical and bureaucratic rhetoric to overturn
popular uprisings that are supposed to jeopardise democracy. Decades earlier, similar or
more radical movements overcame previous regimes, undermining one model to
implement another. In this case, a movement is democratic when it pleases the
parliamentary and populist majority and goes against interests.
An election boycott
20
or street demonstration may be localised phenomena, but they are
identitarian, non-market or community forces.
21
When they are regular, they are the
14
"The categorisation of 'people' is created by leaders who claim to represent it. This authoritarian
appropriation of the population and its values has contradictory meanings. On the one hand, populism
restores and values the cultural value of the common man. On the other hand, leaders take ownership of
the meaning of what is popular and try to impose versions on its authenticity... based on the identity of a
unitary people, with one voice and interest, with a leader representing national and democratic values"
(Torre, 2007: 394).
15
"At least two factors indicate that, in politics, elements of populism will continue to exist and increase. First,
representative democracy almost inevitably accompanies populism, due to a paradox of democracy. Hence,
it will scarcely diminish the opportunities of the populists to restore the power of the 'people'. Second, the
mediatisation of politics will also not fade. This gives the populists opportunities to gather and gain support
to convey simple messages and to present themselves as charismatic leaders and real representatives of
the 'people'" (Deiwiks, 2009: 8).
16
Martinelli, 2016: 20-21.
17
Acemoglu, Egorov, Sonin, 2013: 802.
18
Barr, 2009: 42.
19
In Portugal, only in the XX century, there were several military coups, including the Revolution of April 25.
“All the rhetoric of a modern and European Portugal participates in a constant work of constructing a
selective memory and forgetting a recent revolutionary past by abandoning slowly and systematically the
ideals of equality and popular participation” (Mendes, 2005: 182).
20
In Portugal: "The professionalisation and specialisation of political life reinforces the internal and self-
centred logic of the political field... This is the only way to understand the extreme reactions of national
political authorities and political agents, for example, in the face of electoral boycotts. The latter allows the
irruption in the political space and in the public sphere of the ordinary people who, often outside of partisan
logics, affirm their actions as acts of claiming citizenship, of participation, as voices and bodies that disturb
the myth of a democracy without dissent or conflict” (Id. Ibid)
21
In Portugal: ”A non-market and community logic prevailed in the festivities. It was a ludic and liminal way
of reworking identities, of affirming community and the equality of all, forgetting rivalries and enmities, also
bringing to life those who were critical of the movement or the restoration of the county. It was a work of
memory, which affirmed the self-esteem of a population, the recognition of its value and existence, the
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clear expression of popular will and may be more genuinely democratic than a
parliamentary agreement of parties that govern by default the will of the majority,
passing laws contrary to the dominant values in society without resorting to referendums
on divisive issues. Not least because not all citizens vote, especially when they no longer
believe in politicians who, opportunistically, demand statistical victories and forget deep
dramas experienced by the population, who, one day, in despair of cause, may consider
that the situation can only be resolved with a new revolution.
In Latin America, for example, populism has grown in cities. The beginning of the 20
th
century was associated with social change, under the impulse of urban workers against
rural and conservative rigidity, landlords and classicists, who avoided sharing resources
with the majority of the population.
22
In this sense, it pleased the proletariat and
informal, anti-systemic and revolutionary. In some cases, their leaders have come to
power because they are charismatic and have high popularity ratings. But they lost it in
a tragic way
23
as soon as the expectations of supporters were exhausted. Later, populism
revolted against the economic crisis, corruption, hyperinflation and poor distribution of
incomes. It was reborn from the traumas of military regimes, replaced by supposedly
more democratic, but chaotic, regimes that were fragile.
24
Populism feeds on the traumas of the people, the majority. If the phenomenon is a leftist
force, it is in favour of the "poor". The rival group is the rich right-wing elite that rules in
a supposedly corrupt way and must be fought due to the suffering that it inflicts on the
masses.
25
It spreads in developing countries, where the priority is to take the population
out of misery.
"The people, after meeting their basic needs for food and clothing, want to express their
opinion" (Weili and Toomey, 2017: 11). China is a paradigmatic example of a changing
society. After the reforms of Deng Xiaoping and the Tiananmen Square trauma,
communist ideology gave way to a nationalist propaganda against US imperialism, which
was dichotomous but "empty of content", so was only instrumental in the justification of
party policies. In recent years, the Chinese have perhaps shifted their attention from
social conflicts to fracture issues (such as Taiwan) or foreign policy (relationships with
Japan or Korea). But government rhetoric seems to have less influence on public opinion
in these matters. Advertising, therefore, has difficulty in asserting itself, and populations
at this level find a way of escaping from the grip of the state.
possibility of developing and fixing future generations and believing in the feasibility of fixing in the interior
of the country” (Id. Ibid: 171).
22
"The politics of Latin America underwent enormous transformations in the 1920s and 1930s due to the
emergence of a large process of urbanisation. After a long history of an elitist political system based on
landowners, a new wave of urban-based political leaders emerged, supported by a multiclassist scheme
that includes the urban proletariat, the employees of a growing public sector and the marginalised urban
population" (Sachs 1990: 12).
23
"The populist episodes we have examined have resulted in failures, sometimes even tragedies. Perón was
forced to exile, leaving behind a weakened economy and a society at the same time politicised and deeply
divided; Allende died in a military coup that destroyed democracy in Chile for the next fifteen years; Sarneu
and García now preside over failed regimes, both facing the real threat of hyperinflation and economic
collapse" (Sachs, 1990: 24-25).
24
"We suggest that the push to adopt populist measures is due to several factors, including: an environment
of deep economic conflict, associated with the highly unequal distribution of income; political instability,
leading to short-termism governments; deep and visible splits between sectoral interests – urban workers
in open confrontation with exporters of primary commodities” (Id. Ibid.: 24)
25
"The motivating force of populist politicians in Latin America is the weakening of democratic institutions,
which makes voters believe that politicians, despite their rhetoric, may have a right-wing agenda, be corrupt
or influenced by rich pressure groups. Populist policies therefore emerge as a way for speakers to choose
future policies in line with the interests of the average voter". (Acemoglu, Egorov, Sonin, 2013: 802)
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Eurosceptics may still be attracted to Russian-born populism. Far-right European parties
are perhaps under the influence of Putin's propaganda, because it is a "victorious
expression of imperialist neo-conservatism". The far-left still reveres the communist
heritage of the former USSR and seems seduced by Putin's "anti-capitalism".
26
In Europe, they spread criticism of globalisation.
27
A right-wing movement gives voice to
the "silence majority",
28
which "defends fiscal austerity and capitalism"
29
and cannot
affirm its own culture due to external threats (strong migratory movements,
multiculturalism, invasion of another country, etc.). It appeals to a dominant and
influential middle class, which seeks to recover or reaffirm values related to the country
and/or nation, identity, need for recognition and the role of a particular people in the
world; and that revolts against the ruling elite that supposedly sells itself abroad.
In any case, populism is always against the ruling elite. It is invigorated by the majority,
be it impoverished or already influential and middle class. It serves as a counterpoint to
the direction the country takes. It no longer accommodates the system and does not
measure efforts to achieve objectives that its agents have already lost hope of achieving.
Therefore, populism is extremist and anti-systemic. To this extent it differs from what is
simply popular and generally accepted by the population. A popular agent is moderate.
A populist is a fundamentalist and capable of everything to achieve the objectives
outlined – emphasis is on the excesses that are practiced.
There are leaders who seem to be permanently on the campaign trail. In a republic,
where elections succeed one another, there is great pressure to please voters. It is easier
for candidates to keep their plans down to the bare minimum, since most people do not
vote for unpopular measures, no matter how necessary they are. Therefore, the
difference between the popular and populist becomes porous.
Where is the border? The popular leader is a realist. Voter loyalty through systemic
behaviour is guaranteed, which ensures social welfare and democratic order, based on
moderate programs and speeches on concrete and achievable measures. Criticism of
opponents is more constructive than destructive. Play it safe. The system is not called
26
"The connection between Putin's Russia and the populist parties is becoming a concern for European foreign
policy circles. The membership of the European right-wing parties to the Kremlin is, naturally, the most
pronounced, but there is also a pattern of association with the positions of the radical left in Europe and
foreign policy tendencies through Moscow" (Nestoras, 2016: 1).
27
"In the last decade, populist parties have gained strength in Western Europe. They are defined by opposition
to emigration and are concerned with protecting national and European culture, using the language of
human rights and freedom. In economic policy, they are generally critical of globalisation and the effects of
international capitalism on workers' rights. They combine with rhetoric and anti-systemic language. Often
referred to as "extremist and populist parties" or the "new right", they do not fit easily into traditional
political divisions... [with increasing weight] in the parliaments of Austria, Bulgaria, Denmark, Hungary,
Holland, Sweden, Latvia and Slovakia, and also in the European Parliament. In some countries they are the
second or third political force and are seen as coalition partners of many conservative governments”
(Bartlett, Birdwell and Littler, 2011: 15).
28
"There is still room for different connotations of 'people' that can be ethnically defined, from a civic point of
view or as a common citizen ('the silent majority')" (Raadt, Hollanders and Krouwel, 2004: 8).
29
"All these material aspects may be elements of populism at work, but they are corollaries of underlying
ideas in different social contexts. For example, low-vision economic policies emerge in populist movements
in developing countries because the poor and landless constitute the vast majority of citizens; in rich
countries, populism is often right-wing and defends fiscal austerity and capitalism. Most of the successful
movements have charismatic leaders, primarily, due toto their role in coordinating a vast network based on
"people power". Many other populist movements lack this kind of leadership" (Hawkins, Riding and Mudde,
2012: 4).
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into question. On the contrary, the populist leader is anti-systemic, unpredictable,
paternalistic, incendiary, idealistic or dangerous.
Nor should we confuse populism with nationalism. The first is radical. The second can be
moderate or exacerbated, because not all people who identify with the Nation (values,
territory, language) have an imperialist project. Populism can also be an internal
dichotomy (people versus the elite) and nationalism as a need for a border and outside
(domestic versus foreigners) to exist.
30
After defining populism, it is necessary to measure it. One option is to describe it in a
minimalist way,
31
to cover its various dimensions. Because? An equation with too many
variables risks not reaching any conclusion.
What to do? One hypothesis is to measure populism in stages or on the basis of partial
definitions. Several social dynamics can be evaluated. The speeches of the candidates in
elections or the results of the ballots are usually important. Or the parliamentary and
tribune debates. Or the political comments on television. Nowadays, trends in social
networks or internet blogs are also analysed.
The approach can be quantitative or qualitative. A database is built. This is handled
manually (human factor) and/or with computer aid.
32
Results are disseminated and
interpreted in the first instance and then by other researchers. It is possible to use
indexes of perceived corruption or political risk worldwide, some more accredited than
others, so it is necessary to refer to the source consulted. They are only indicative, but
they help explain the phenomenon under consideration.
2. Evaluating Populism
Populism can be an ideology, a type of discourse or a political strategy. Table 1
summarises these three main lines of research in vogue.
Populists can have a mobilising ability, charismatic attributes and generate a cult of
personality.
33
When authoritarian,
34
speeches are aggressive, arrogant or stubborn. But
they can also be a kind or extremely nice. It depends on the posture that works best in
the context under analysis.
30
"However, one cannot get populism confused with nationalism . . . Not only because there are populisms
that do not ethnically build the people, but also because in ethno-nationalism (or nativism) the basic
distinction is between natives and foreigners. Meanwhile, in populism this distinction occurs within the same
native group, in which the people are betrayed by the elites. For this convergence to exist, the elites would
have to be foreign (instead of just ‘agents’ of foreign interests, as they are often denounced)" (Zúquete,
2016: 18).
31
"Starting with a minimal definition of populism and trying to apply it to empirical cases helps determine
whether we are dealing with populism or not. A minimal conceptualisation has the advantage of
circumscribing the meaning of populism and theoretical discussion becomes less confused, since its concept
is distinguished from other political phenomena" (Deiwiks, 2009: 8).
32
Rooduijn and Pauwels, 2010: 18.
33
"Populism is based particularly on personality politics". (Taggart, 2000: 101)
34
Hawkins, Riding and Mudde, 2012: 4.
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Populism, as an ideology, separates two homogenous political groups:
35
poor and rich,
us and them. It distinguishes the good people from the elite who are corrupt.
36
Table 1: Three Main Lines of Research on Populism
Definition of
Populism
References
Political
Views
Set of interrelated
ideas on socio-
political nature
Mudde (2004,
2007)
Mudde and
Kaltwasser
(2012)
Political
Style
Speech with
specific
characteristics and
political
proclamations
Kazin (1995)
Laclau (2005)
Panizza (2005)
Political
Strategy
A form of
organisation and
mobilisation
Roberts (2006)
Weyland (2001)
Jansen (2011)
Source: Based on Gidron and Bonikowski, 2013: 17
While discursive style promotes antagonism between two enemy entities (for and against
the people).
37
It involves judging ideas against supposedly evil or immoral opposition
forces.
38
It results in a power struggle under the law of the strongest.
As a political strategy, populism promotes social cohesion and calls for the vote of a large
number of supporters who rely on it in a direct, disorganised and non-institutionalised
fashion.
39
Who are the most vulnerable to populism? The less-well educated, low-income earners
as well as those who are disillusioned with life or despise the current system. The
politically correct, which stifles contrary deep feelings, may be silencing less obvious,
even wealthy, sectors that feel vilified, discriminated against or threatened by others
(whether this is a real or illusory perspective).
35
Populism is an ideology "... which considers society, lately separated between two antagonistic and
homogeneous groups, 'the pure people' versus 'the corrupt elite', and argues that politics should be the
expression of the general will..." (Mudde, 2004: 543)
36
"Although academics do not agree on a definition of populism and multiple concepts circulate
simultaneously, there is a common denominator that most people share. The populist ground is an
antagonistic relationship between "the (good) people and the (corrupt) elite". (Rooduijn and Pauwels, 2010:
3-4)
37
"Antagonism, as identification, relates the form (the people as signifier) and the content (the people as
signified) attributed by various processes of naming – that is, establishes who are the 'enemies of the
people'..." (Panizza, 2005: 3)
38
"First, we understand populism as a set of ideas... It is a moralising, dualist, believing in popular
sovereignty, which exalts the opinion of the majority, whilst characterising the opposition as immoral or
malevolent. It opposes the approach of pluralism which emphasises the inevitable and desirable difference
of opinions. Pluralism seeks institutions that value and protect the rights of the minority, whilst following
the majority will; populism craves moral clarity and treats dissent with suspicion as if it were dangerous.
Whilst pluralism prefers political relations based on cooperation and harmony, pluralism sees the world as
naturally antagonistic". (Hawkins, Riding and Mudde, 2012: 3)
39
Weyland, 2001: 14.
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Populism seems to be everywhere
40
and feeds on defrauded expectations.
41
It takes
advantage of situations of crisis (economic, social, political, religious, etc.). It proliferates
where there is no mercy and unemployment abounds, when there is uncertainty or a lack
of security. It aims to give voice to those excluded from the system.
42
It diabolises
existing institutions to give way to all, or to alienate rivals – admitting doing so violently.
The symbolic character of speeches is important in this regard. Voters, when they
recognise references (the type of language and the code of values), usually identify with
the action plan. Believe in what you hear. It is convinced that it is possible to achieve the
proposed goal. Because? Because populists are able to play with their emotions.
3. Disseminate Populism
The political sociology of emotions helps to study populism. The passionate side of politics
can be considered romantic by idealists and instrumental, manipulative and dangerous
by realists, who prefer more moderate behaviour in the public sphere or have more
objective interpretations of national interest.
The domain of the rational paradigm distrusts what is interpretive or dependent on the
perspective. Avoid being put under by the whim of the furious crowd. But resentment
43
is fertile ground for populism. Inherent is a vote of revolt against the system driven by
anger
44
which fights against some kind of injustice and, consequently, transfers the
blame to a parallel entity (to the state, elites, government, etc.).
It has been proven that emotions have an impact on elections.
45
Political propaganda
sells an illusion. Business media interests are not neutral when they try to maximise
audiences and sign profitable advertising contracts. On the limit, they can turn reality
into a mystical experience or spread "common sense" ideology contrary to fact-based
40
"Contemporary democracies are being challenged. Its main institutions and political parties have been in
crisis for some time, for a variety of reasons, from the decline of ideologies to tension between party and
citizen organisations, weakening of mediation, the spread of corruption, impact of the media, policy
customisation. Populism seems to be everywhere nowadays". (Martinelli, 2016: 13)
41
"The high expectations of most people were overcome by the ‘unfortunate inheritance of the past’, perverse
bureaucracy, excessive and obsolete laws, underdeveloped parties, stagnant or inefficient public
enterprises, outdated and fragmented agriculture, weak civil society and lack of modern political culture.
Social cleavages were developed as a result of inadvertent consequences of the reforms that irregularly
distributed the burden of transformation (unemployment, selective impoverishment, rampant competition,
illegal immigration, increased crime) in a society divided between the successful in this new system and
those who experienced, objectively or subjectively, loss or failure and even idealisation of the past. This
situation created a favourable social climate for the growth of populist parties..." (Martinelli, 2016: 19)
42
Populism is "... any political project that sustains itself on a large scale by mobilising marginalised social
sectors that makes publicly visible and engenders contentious political action, whilst articulating anti-elite
nationalist rhetoric that values ordinary citizens". (Jansen, 2011: 82)
43
"... a policy of widespread resentment in which the uncertainties of capitalism and state supervision create
individuals with a diffuse sense of powerlessness, the public expression of a praxis that is neither positive
nor consolidated, but results from a hasty and dependent reaction, which, as a rule, takes the form of
'identity politics'... resentment is the feeling of the weak... " (Demertzis, 2006: 104)
44
"Anger seems to be the great engine behind populism. This is because perceptions of injustice, moral
judgments, attribution of guilt and need for control are components of this negative emotion and, at the
same time, are fundamental elements of populist rhetoric... rage significantly increases populist attitudes
and the probability of voting in the populist party. Anxiety has the opposite effect, only obtaining statistical
significance on the voter side. Sadness has no effect". (Rico and Guinjoan and Anduiza, 2016: 1)
45
"First, we have shown that there are clear limits to voters’ competence, since the decision to vote is affected
by sports results... Second, we have shown that a sub-optimal source of decision is the inability of voters
to separate their emotions from their political cognition. Therefore, when voters make decisions, emotions
and events play an important role in explicit political variables. In fact, the overall mood effect on voting
may be significantly larger than our estimates suggest, since sport is just one of the many influences that
voters suffer from and not everyone enjoys sport". (Healy and Malhotra and Mo, 2009: 24)
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deliberation. We enter into the mediatisation of democratic politics or public diplomacy,
or the coverage of political campaigns that involve investment in image and sophisticated
styles of communication and language.
46
Populism creates a parallel reality, based on exaggerations and exacerbated emotions
that infantilise and confuse the reader in order to influence their deliberation; not due to
experience and logical reasoning, but to impulsiveness, instinct, pathological fear or
chimera capable of reaching the impossible.
For example, populists promise to lower unemployment. Some even advocate full
employment, but rarely communicate concrete measures in support of this goal, because
the truth is little congruent with the plan; although the break with the model of reference
may seem like an oasis in the middle of the desert that despair provides.
The media can help to monitor language errors and denounce behavioural exaggerations.
They do not do it if they are sensationalists and populists.
We can perhaps subdivide the policy mediation process into phases. In the 1960s, voters
seemed to be loyal to prior and definite alliances, followed dominant ideologies in political
parties, in a context in which the mainstream media was the press and radio.
In the 1990s, television transmitted content across society. Political agents took
advantage of this stage to entertain the crowds with their humour and skills, already with
concerns of image and political marketing. The format was not suitable for great
philosophical reflections but attracted charismatic people with the capacity to thrill
audiences like actors in the theatre.
The first quarter of the 21st century was dominated by media globalisation, especially
the internet, capable of rapidly disseminating throughout the world a distorted amalgam
of contents, both credible and erroneous or easily manipulated. In the last few years,
politics has turned to social networks where fake news, informative rubbish and gossip
are abundant. These sources are unpredictable, unmanageable and conducive to
populism, especially in a complex context
47
that mixes serious issues with entertainment,
which are the same thing.
Some studies have concluded that people do not necessarily vote for parties that have
media coverage or only adhere to populists when they are dissatisfied.
48
Be that as it
may, humans tend to participate in group phenomena. They let themselves be dragged
by the torrent, under the pressure of their friends or because they feel an affinity for a
certain view of the world. Once organised, individuals form waves of discontent that,
later, can turn into political tsunamis.
46
Azzarello, 2011: 18-19.
47
"From the communications perspective, the relevant literature has studied the connection between the
media and populism, mainly through the lens of the mediatisation of politics... It takes place at the same
time as the professionalisation of the publicity and campaigning techniques of political parties, the increasing
commercialisation of journalism, the diversification of channels and agents open to new political demands
and the radical segmentation of political audiences... It is important to observe these tendencies in a broad
context of processes of social change, modernisation (fragmentation of social organisation and increased
identity politics), individualisation (with a more consumer-oriented approach and political gratification),
secularisation (which reduces the statute of official policies and party identifications to skepticism towards
established elites), economy (journalism subordinated to market criteria) and stylisation (which encourages
approximations between politics and popular culture)". (Wirth et al 2016: 24-25)
48
"Only when citizens agree with the party's position does the media exposure make them more likely to vote
in that party". (Bos et al 2014: 21)
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On the internet, Europe's populist supporters seem to be in line with the following profile:
above all, young men, employed and optimistic, party-affiliated or highly likely to vote
for him, those who do not accept the direction the country is taking. They are critical of
the European construction and its institutions that are far from national realities. They
do not believe in justice and revolt against impunity, transferring trust to the police and
the army. They no longer leave the home (cyber activism) and vote (for anti-systemists
or right-wing nationalist parties) due to the fear of immigration and Islamic extremism
and the attempt to prevent the country's cultural erosion; and they admit to
demonstrating on the streets against corruption, if necessary, with violence. (Bartlett,
Birdwell and Littler, 2011: 20-21).
In fact, some studies consider populist discourse as "virile", admitting that women are
less likely to engage in politics and adopt more moderate behaviours – that is they depart
from a traditional model that may not correspond to the truth.
49
But variables such as
age or gender may not have a significant impact on the equation,
50
if we admit that both
men and women may be populists and that both juniors and seniors may be defrauded
to the point of adhering to extreme measures to solve problems.
On the internet there is room for moderates and extremists. The difference is that the
latter is visible in social networks, unlike the day-to-day, where moderates tend to be
prevalent.
Because? The internet allows more freedom of expression than the politically correct daily
life advocated by EU institutions or state institutions at national, regional or local levels.
When citizens fear giving their opinion in a professional environment, they stop
participating in demonstrations or fail to vote, they may seem harmless and go unnoticed
by traditional polls. But if the revolt is installed, it spreads among individuals with
common interests on social networks (Facebook, Instagram, Badoo, Google+, LinkedIn,
My Space, Twitter, Tumblr, etc.) or through themed blogs.
51
It is a type of passive
resistance that can break at any moment, especially when a leader emerges strong
enough to open the way to what the masses want, to defend them in the open. It is then
that streets fill with enthusiasts and the system suddenly changes.
The issue is particularly important if we assume that terrorism is the most violent
expression of populism, whether it be a state (French Revolution) or not. Nowadays, in
an internet without rules or control, it is easy to control populations at a distance through
the dissemination of false news or propaganda; money laundering, cyber-bullying and
cyber-attacks on institutions.
Jihadist populism is particularly suited to virtual reality, given its globalised nature, which
aims to embrace a whole community of believers (the Ummah), extendable beyond a
49
"... feminist intellectuals have questioned the sexualisation of current culture and the relationship between
sex, money and power that underlies Berlusconi's populism. The debate regarding the idea of ‘women’s
silence’, ‘post-patriarchy’ and non-television ‘real woman’... The concept of 'post-feminism' is a valid
alternative... it is able to capture the complexity of the policies of Berlusconi’s governments, which
constitute a setback in relation to the victories of feminism of the 1970s and 1980s". (Azzarello, 2011: 106-
107).
50
"Contrary to what some people think, although in line with more recent research, (populism) it is not
consistently related to age or gender. It is important because these results are found not only in more
conservative environments, but also in the country as a whole". (Hawkins, Riding and Mudde, 2012: 23).
51
"The emergence of social networks has created a new way of expressing support for a person, organisation
or idea. Individuals can support or become a member of one of the thousands online groups with just one
click. This raises a number of questions about the strength of this affinity and the relationship between
online and offline involvement". (Bartlett, Birdwell & Littler, 2011: 33).
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clearly defined territory (Bhui and Ibrahim, 2013: 217-219). Middle East Jihadism echoed
in Europe is able to schedule, in the 21
st
century, attacks on virtual platforms, before
attacking on the ground. The populations, caught unaware, are vulnerable to fear and
anger. The revolt produces more populism and pushes the moderates to the margins of
the system, when it becomes necessary to have a we it is a they as a matter of survival.
To counter this tendency becomes increasingly difficult as the attacks multiply and the
number of victims increases.
Conclusion
The definition of populism is not consensual, because its conceptualisation can be a
political statement.
52
Answer questions related to populists are and what means are
employed are a matter of choice and this is hardly neutral.
It is difficult to measure the phenomenon and the "fundamental problem is not
necessarily populism, but the political orientation that mobilises it" (Alvares and
Dahlgren, 2016: 49). In this sense, it can be a type of discourse, an ideology or a strategy
(or all three at the same time), extremist and anti-systemic. Advertising and the media
are vehicles that disseminate it.
Populism has history and is against social exclusion,
53
so it is important to identify who
controls the resources in a particular territory. From the point of view of discourse, the
people are told what they want to hear. Political ideology views the people as a single
and homogeneous entity.
54
It is part of the strategy to defend the plebs
55
and, in a
sense, worship them.
56
Populism is a rhetoric with specific characteristics, much used in the electoral period,
which generates extreme emotions and attitudes. It may have a diffuse matrix in favour
of the rights and guarantees of the people in a democracy. Pleasing the masses and
trying to satisfy their wants and immediate needs even when they are not feasible. He
or she may have good intentions but risks being paternalistic and infantilising the receiver
of the message. When one takes advantage of the needs of the plebs, the demagogue
manipulates it. Hence, populism can be Machiavellian, instrumental, incendiary or
dangerous.
A populist party opposes the regime. It boasts of being the mouthpiece of the majority
wronged against lobbies, or privileged minority groups that hinder the happiness of the
population. If it is necessary to break down barriers, it becomes radical or impinges on
some kind of rupture in status quo, criticises the malfunctioning of existing representative
52
"Populism is often used as an analytical concept and, in the absence of clear academic consensus on its
meaning, is a contested definition. The confusion about the term, however, is not only caused by an
analytical problem of generalisation; it results mainly from the promiscuity with which it is used and the
pejorative meaning of the word, both inside and outside the scientific debate. Any scientific definition
attributed to this political concept is a political act in itself..." (Raadt, Hollanders and Krouwel, 2004: 4).
53
"Populism is not a historical aberration or a deviance from the universal standards of modernisation... it has
arisen historically as a response to the marginalisation of many politics. The persistence of social and
economic exclusion brought about by neoliberal policies and, in particular, the difficulty of the poor in
accessing their constitutional rights explains its resilience. Although the concrete manifestations of populism
and levels of polarisation vary according to experience, populism continues to recur in democracies where
the rights of ordinary people are not reinforced or respected". (Torre, 2007: 394-395).
54
"Population is a unity and only one, and a reference to the people is not only a rhetorical claim, it is a
consistent part of its ideology". (Raadt, Hollanders and Krouwel, 2004: 7).
55
"Populists place ‘the people’ at the center of their politics". (Rooduijn and Pauwels, 2010: 4).
56
"Populism worships the people". (Ionescu and Gellner, 1969: 1).
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democracy. But it does not intend to be undemocratic. On the contrary, it defends a
(more) direct democracy, capable of punishing the intermediary institutions that will face
the "true and uncorrupted will of the people".
57
Populism is a form of struggle, so claim those who have little but want to earn more.
Whoever is poor wants to be rich. Who has already satisfied the basic needs, wants to
express their opinion. Whoever does not have freedom demands it.
Public opinion in a developed country calls for rights and guarantees that may not be at
the forefront of a population prone to armed conflict. That is why populism depends on
geographic areas, culture and dominant ideology.
In a democracy, many leaders condemn populism, but take initiatives and utter popular
speeches that are generally accepted by the population. The boundaries between what
is popular and populist are porous in times of crisis.
The leader is popular if he or she pleases the people with solutions that do not ruin the
rule of law. It is populist when it defends an extremist program. The first promotes
democratic order. The second is the cause or consequence of democratic disorder.
58
The
popular strategy is moderate, protective, constructive or secure. The populist is
paternalistic, fundamentalist, destructive or dangerous. Systemic policies are realist,
constructive, based on concrete measures and achievable promises; idealist models are
diffuse, unpredictable or promise that which could be obtained.
The defenders of the masses invoke freedom, equality and fraternity. They seek to ensure
that the sovereignty of the people is not only a facade. When its leaders are charismatic,
they are milestones of history
59
and try to be agents of political transformation. For some,
populists are the enemy. For others they are heroes of the population. For some,
populism is undemocratic, but does not always criticise elites as a "threat to liberal
democracy, as long as it maintains its individualistic and anti-statesman orientation."
60
So the trend changes when the project becomes radical.
The most basic frustration, anger, disillusionment, fear and emotions ground the populist
vote. In a context of uncertainty, moderation can be a threat to survival. Cicero preferred
the most unjust peace to the fairest of wars.
61
But does the majority of the population
still prefer the status quo?
57
"A first element of populist ideology is found in rejecting the system. Criticism is the reason for being of
any opposition party, but populist parties develop a set of arguments about the malfunctioning of
representative democracy... Populism is not anti-democratic... it rebukes intermediary organisations that
stand in the midst of the true and uncorrupted expression of the will of the people". (Raadt, Hollanders and
Krouwel, 2004: 6).
58
"... the hypertrophy of the democratic side, to the point of over-weakening the protections of the rights of
individuals and minorities, leads to the democratic disorder known as populism". (Plattner, 2010: 87)
59
"The charismatic populist leader fascinates, mystifies and excites. The populist leaders deeply and indelibly
mark the national and global history; often colorful and sweeping, they are successful in forging a bond
with their followers that rarely fails to include a moral or religious tone. They claim to speak to and with the
people; beyond mere representation, claim to personalise the people and are prepared to faithfully follow
something relatively similar to what Rosseau called the 'general will'. In the midst of this tumultuous
identification and liaison process, institutional boundaries and conventions are often forgotten or criticised
in favour of unmediated contact with citizens". (Piramo, 2009: 1-2).
60
Plattner, 2010: 92.
61
Equidem ad pacem hortari non desino; qua vel iniusta utili est quam iustissimum bellum cum civibus.
Cícero, Letters to Penthouse, VII, 14. (Winstedt, 1913: 69).
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Conflicts exist all over the world as a result of the rivalry between cultural groups,
identities or with unsatisfied socioeconomic demands.
62
Therefore, we do not go to the
end of the ideological evolution of humanity, nor to the uniformisation of Western liberal
democracy.
63
Apparently, we have not changed much since the Romans. Formerly there were wax
tablets. There is now tablets with internet access. But people still find it difficult to live in
public space when they abuse the freedoms and guarantees and virtues of a republic, in
a context that privileges and rewards entertainment.
Citizens vote for leaders who make them laugh, with the ability to mobilise emotions,
who know how to dress or enthuse the bored electorate who likes to play computer
games or extreme sports. Instead of choosing rulers capable of facing reality with policies
that effectively contribute to what the people need, both now and in the future, they vote
for animators of vain rhetoric who promise to the people what they want to hear or make
life a hobby. Opinion makers cease to be specialists. The information is less scrutinised
by journalists and more disseminated by social networks (Facebook, Twitter, etc.) or
popular video bloggers. Formal education is replaced by a system of equivalences. We
invest less in cohesive and secure families, preferring dysfunctional alternatives that do
not give structure to societies. Teenagers do not want to be scientists, they want to be
paraded. No wonder increasingly inexperienced or immature voters choose famous
candidates (whom they know by television or the internet) rather than sages and
statesmen. Therefore, the environment is voluble and conducive to populism.
We are not at the end of history. We are at the beginning of a new cycle, of a wave that
can result in a tsunami. And it is not for lack of warning. It is that the postmodern matrix
seems more and more like the bread and Circus of the ancient Romans, from where the
Middle Ages succeeded. Without forgetting that jihadist terrorism has already opened the
door to this path, it remains to be seen if we can counteract the trend based on the
lessons already studied.
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