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Vol. 9, Nº. 1 (May-October 2018), pp. 38-52
THE SIGNIFICANCE OF POLANYI’S CONTRIBUTION: AN INTERPRETATION OF
THE NEOLIBERALIZATION AND COMMODIFICATION OF NATURE
Giulia Iannuzzi
g.iannuzzi@campus.fct.unl.pt
Ph.D. student in Globalization Studies (FCSH-UNL, Portugal) and researcher at CENSE -
Environment and Sustainability Research Centre (FCT-UNL). She holds a master degree in
International Relations from the Faculty of Political Sciences of the University of Florence, where
she graduated in International Studies. She has a postgraduate diploma in Sustainable Cities
(FCT-UNL). As a researcher, she has been involved in European projects in the field of
environmental and green economy policies and has been conducting research on national and
international policy instruments and co-governance models for nature conservation.
Abstract
Polanyi’s analysis and contributions have been brought back into discussion due to the rapid
emergence of market-based instruments designed to tackle environmental degradation.
Polanyi is a crucial reference in current debates on globalization and international political
economy. This article seeks to explore and discuss how his perspective, and the founding
concepts of his work, can help us to interpret the current process of the neoliberalization and
commodification of nature.
Keywords
Polanyi, environment, commodification of nature
How to cite this article
Iannuzzi, Giulia (2018). "The significance of Polanyi’s contribution: an interpretation of the
neoliberalization and commodification of nature". JANUS.NET e-journal of International
Relations, Vol. 9, Nº. 1, May-October 2018. Consulted [online] on the date of last consultation,
DOI: https://doi.org/10.26619/1647-7251.9.1.3
Article received on April 10, 2017 and accepted for publication on September 18, 2017
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Vol. 9, Nº. 1 (May-October 2018), pp. 38-52
The significance of Polanyi’s contribution:
an interpretation of the neoliberalization and commodification of nature
Giulia Iannuzzi
39
THE SIGNIFICANCE OF POLANYI’S CONTRIBUTION: AN INTERPRETATION OF
THE NEOLIBERALIZATION AND COMMODIFICATION OF NATURE
Giulia Iannuzzi
1. Introduction
Polanyi’s work, The Great Transformation: the political and economic origins of our time,
published in 1944, is a critique of free-market capitalism established in the nineteenth
century. It is a historical analysis of human institutions that goes back to the English
Industrial Revolution, when economic liberalism emerged as the organizing principle of
society in view of the creation of the market economy. Polanyi’s analysis aims to explain
the crisis produced by the influence of liberal market ideologies and the belief in “laissez-
faire”, which also became the organizing principle of the world economy; a crisis which
is not purely economic, in the narrow sense, as it entails the destruction of communities
and livelihood provoking movements of social protection. A crisis that triggered
institutional transformations of the 1930s. The Great Transformation, is increasingly
recognized as a crucial reference in current debates on globalization and international
political economy.
The concept of embeddedness, best expounded in his most famous work, is important to
understand Polanyi’s thought and his contribution to social sciences. In this paper it is a
key starting point to comprehend other relevant concepts such as fictitious commodity,
the double movement or the economistic fallacy- analytically useful to study the current
process of the neoliberalization and marketization of nature.
The article is structured as follows: first, it will provide a brief outline of Polanyi’s view
by attempting to clarify the main theoretical concepts elaborated in The Great
Transformation (and developed in other works). Then it will focus on the contemporary
relevance of Polanyi's insights. Since Polanyi’s analysis and contributions have been
brought back into discussion due to the rapid emergence of market-based instruments
to tackle environmental degradation, it will focus particular on how Polanyi’s perspective
- and the founding concepts of his work- can help us interpret the current process of the
neoliberalization and commodification of nature.
2. Insights of Polany’s perspective: the utopian vision of self-regulating
markets
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The significance of Polanyi’s contribution:
an interpretation of the neoliberalization and commodification of nature
Giulia Iannuzzi
40
2.1. Focusing on the concept of embeddedness
Polanyi is often considered the father of the concept of embeddedness, though he
borrowed it from Thurnewald’s ethnographic studies on primitive societies and archaic
cultures (Machado, 2010).
In The Great Transformation Polanyi only uses the term twice
1
, nevertheless, the concept
is a leitmotiv throughout his great work, particularly in specific chapters, and it plays a
relevant role in his entire oeuvre. In the chapter on the Evolution of the Market Pattern”,
he presents the contrasts between the market economy and pre-modern economies
where the integration of economic life takes place through patterns of reciprocity and
redistribution. Here, referring to the market economy, he writes: Instead of economy
being embedded in social relations, social relations are embedded in the economic
system” (Polanyi, 2001- [1944]: 57).
A few pages later, the difference is explained in more detail, focusing on the acts of barter
and redistribution:
In the vast ancient systems of redistribution, acts of barter as well
as local markets were a usual but not more than a subordinate trait.
The same is true where reciprocity rules: Acts of barter are here
usually embedded in long-range relations implying trust and
confidence, a situation which tends to obliterate the bilateral
character of the transaction. (Polanyi, 2001- [1944]: 61)
Moreover, it has already been noted that, in other passages, Polanyi prefers to use
‘absorbed’ and ‘submerged’ to describe the relationship between economy and society
(Barber, 1995: 401).
Therefore, the concept of (dis)embeddedness is used in the paragraphs quoted above,
to illustrate the exceptional nature of the liberal capitalist market economy in the history
of humankind. While in tribal societies economy was framed in other social institutional
patterns, being reciprocity and redistribution the dominant forms of integration, the self-
regulated market is intended as a sphere separated from the rest of society. However,
the institutional separation is not due to the existence of trade, markets
2
, and money,
that were also present in non-capitalist societies (e.g. in ancient civilizations and feudal
Europe
3
), but to the market mechanism that follows the law of supply and demand, and
to the principle of gain that replaces subsistence as the dominant motive of action. In
the transition to a full market economy, political efforts aiming at creating an economic
sphere increasingly separated from non-economic institutions, culminate in embedding
social relations in the market through the commodification of three factors of production:
labour, money and land. The creation of fictitious commodities makes human social life
dependent upon the fluctuations of supply and demand and causes the dehumanization
of social conditions and the ensuing societal reactions to it.
1
While the term “embedded”appears six time in the text. However, Polanyi had an armoury of additional
terms that suggest similar meanings” (Hodgson, 2016: 10).
2
Polanyi defines markets as organized arena of exchange (see Hodgson, 2016).
3
For a review of the debate on the role of market as system in ancients civilizations see Schiavone (1999).
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The significance of Polanyi’s contribution:
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Giulia Iannuzzi
41
Undoubtedly, labour, land, and money markets are essential to a
market economy. But no society could stand the effects of such a
system of crude fictions even for the shortest stretch of time unless
its human and natural substance as well as its business organization
was protected against the ravages of this satanic mill. (Polanyi,
2001-[1944]: 7677)
These contradictory forces, the process of disembedding and the consequent attempts to
re-embed, constitute the core of The Great Transformation narrative as well as Polanyi’s
main thesis: the double movement. With this he means that market societies have been
shaped by: on the one hand the movement toward self-regulating markets; on the other
hand, a counter-movement of protection (not limited to a working-class movement)
against the threats posed by increasing marketization and commodification that
annihilates human and nature’s substantial characters. In order to explain the shifting
balance between the laissez faire approach and protective countermovement Polanyi
focuses especially on Speenhamland Law of 1795, which became an obstacle to the
development of a national labor market.The tendency of this law was to the opposite;
namely, towards a powerful reinforcement of the paternalistic system of labor
organization as inherited from the Tudors and Stuarts.” (ibid., 82) since the labourer had
his income supplemented to subsistence level by the allowance system. This law was
abolished in 1834, in order to allow movement of labour factor and the creation of a
competitive labour market. The passage about the Speenhamland Law explains that the
creation of self-regulating market needs state intervention as a precondition for the
creation of the market economy (Just as happened with enclosures); in Polanyi’s words”
laissez-faire was planned”. Polanyi suggests that there is often the need of greater
government efforts to assure that groups that will bear increased costs of self-regulating
economy will not engage in disruptive political actions. His detailed analysis of the
Speenhamland period and the subsequent Poor Law Reform sheds light on the tensions
between liberal mechanism and utilitarian principle that supports it, on the one hand,
and the demands of solidarity and social cohesion on the other hand. However, the
chapter about the Speenhamland Law shows that the forces of embeddedness and
disembeddedness as well as movements aimed at the expansion of market system and
counter movements, do not follow one another neatly, nor should they be studied
following a simplistic dichotomous view that would fail to grasp their complexity. This
point is reflected in Polanyi’s criticism of the Speenhamland allowance system, whose
“outcome was merely the pauperization of the masses, who almost lost their human
shape in the process(ibid., 86), a trap for workers that allowed employers to pay as
little as they wished.
The conceptualization of embeddedness described so far, as present in The Great
Transformation, is a gradational notion since it is an historical variable (Gemici, 2008).
As discussed above, in Polanyi’s analysis societies are distinguished according to the
place of economy in society. Interlinkages between markets, economic life and social life
have been studied by Polanyi also in South Pacific communities from an anthropological
point of view.
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42
Another variation of the concept of embeddedness in Polanyi’s body of work refers to the
fact that all empirical economies are embedded and enmeshed in institutions (both
economic and noneconomic). This concept is especially developed in his paper on “The
Economy as an Instituted Process”
4
where he sets forth his critique of the neoclassical
view of the economy and the “economistic fallacy”, viz. identifying the economy with its
market form. More in detail, the formalist definition of the economy refers to a situation
of choice between scarce means in relation to preferred ends, where the rule governing
choices is the logic of rational actions. This approach can only be applied to study price-
making markets in the modern capitalistic economies, since homo oeconomicus
perspective is devised for that special form of economy.
The relation between formal economics and the human economy is
(…) contingent. Outside of a system of price making markets
economic analysis loses most of its relevance as a method of
inquiry(Polanyi, 1957: 247).
The substantive approach, on the contrary, views economy as an instituted process of
interaction between man and his natural and social environment. According to Polanyi,
only the substantive meaning of economic allows social scientists to research past and
present economies.
Therefore, the study of the economy in its forms of integration- reciprocity, redistribution
and exchange (market)- is an institutional analysis. Likewise, an accurate analysis of
economic actions has to take into account the social character of human actions and
human preference interpreted within institutional and cultural context.
Gemici (2008) argues that in this case the embeddedness concept is used not as an
historical variable but as a broader and general methodological principle, in an attempt
to formalize a cross-cultural comparative theory of economics. The ambiguity between
the two aspects of the concept (the historical dimension and the methodological notion)
has been debated by scholars and derives from the lack of an explicit definition and the
ensuing contradictory interpretations. The concept has indeed, been further developed
by contemporary scholars- namely it has become a focal point of the new economic
sociology following Mark Granovetter’s (1985) seminal article “Economic Action and
Social Structure The Problem of Embeddedness”. For instance, here the notion is
reframed with the focus on the role of networks of social relationships among actors
5
.
The two aspects of the concepts are not contradictory. Instead, they strengthen each
other, and are a key starting point to understand the main strands of Polanyi's argument
and his original enduring contributions.
4
In the publication Trade and Market in the Early Empires (1957) resulting from an Interdisciplinary Research
Project on the Institutional Aspects of Economic Growth.
5
Granovetter (1985) aims to critique a pure market approach to economic action and to create a balance
between the “undersocialized” view of atomized actors as isolated from each other in neoclassical
economics, and the “oversocialized” view of actors whose behavior are entirely controlled by social norms,
in structural-functional sociology
5
. According to Beckert (2007) the concept of embeddedness, in the works
of economic sociologists, has lost part of its original significant meanings. In particular, the macro level
analysis as well as the social-reformist inclinations of Polanyi’s have been neglected.
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Giulia Iannuzzi
43
2.2. An apparent contradiction.
As a historical variable, (dis)embeddedness sheds light on the liberal ideological project
to separate economy from society. This approach has been considered potentially
misleading since it assumes social life as consisting of separated, or separable, spheres
hence applying the (neo)classical perspective. However, Polanyi’s aim is precisely to point
out, through his historical analysis, that the idea of self-regulating market developed by
Adam Smith, Ricardo and their successors, is a “stark utopia” unfeasible in practice
because it entails to threat fictitiously entities that are not produced originally for sale
6
.
This fictitious basis is the cause of the eradication of social institutions and protective
counter movements
7
. The rise of market liberalism has caused forms of state regulation
and intervention against free-markets dangers: on one hand New Deal and social
democracy, on the other hand Fascism
8
and communist planned economies.
Marx believed that capitalism would prove unable to further develop a continuous growth
of the forces applied in the production process (means of production and labour power).
The stage expansion of the productive forces reached in capitalism would not allow
further development without causing cyclic economic crises and social impacts, making
socialist transformation inevitable. For Polanyi, the core contradiction was that self-
regulating markets are not able to produce and maintain economic and social order
because of their deficiencies and inevitable responses, necessarily requiring government
intervention (Block, 2008).
As a methodological principle, embeddedness can be credited with suggesting that
market is a part of the broader economy, and the broader economy is enmeshed in a
broader society. Moving from neoclassical economic to an institutional analysis, Polanyi
affirms the importance of social relations, norms, religious and political institutions. This
perspective allows him to highlight the social implications of a particular economic system
which can not be disembedded from society as economic models would suggest.
Therefore, the embeddedness concept, in its variations, is the foundation upon which he
builds his central argument: market liberalism could not work as intended. Its essential
nature is a myth, a fiction
9
. Polanyi’s alternative is not a step back to pre-modern
communities. However, he insists on the need of economic system being in the service
of natural human institutions, and not the other way round. In this respect it is important
to recall Andre Tiran’s (1998) interpretation according to which Polanyi seeks to reconcile
Rousseau’s social holism –showed in the community concept- and the concept of
individualism developed and encouraged by the Reformation.
2.3. Fictitious commodities
6
Additionally market economy assumes that all humans behave in such a way as to maximize their personal
utility.
7
Polanyi does say that the classical economists wanted to create a society in which the economy had been
effectively disembedded, encouraging governments to pursue this objective. But he also argues that they
did not and could not achieve this goal.
8
“In order to comprehend German fascism, we must revert to Ricardian England” (Polanyi, 2001 [1944]32)
is a passage often cited.
9
According to Kari Polanyi-Levitt “the apparent contradictions in The Great Transformation are not
contradictions, but expressions of the contradictions that exist in the self-regulating market system itself.”
(Maucourant and Plociniczak 2013; 519).
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The significance of Polanyi’s contribution:
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Giulia Iannuzzi
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The unfeasibility of a fully self-regulating market economy, regulated and directed by
market prices through the law of supply and demand, is intrinsically linked to Polanyi’s
critique of fictitious commodities. Self-regulation implies that there must be markets for
all elements of industries, not only for goods (always including services) but also for
labour, land and money.” (Polanyi, 2001 [1944]: 72). This means that market economy
needs the commodification of all elements of industry. According to Polanyi’s definition,
commodities are empirically defined as object produced for sale on the market(ibid.,
75). Hence, he points out that the extension of the market logic to the essential elements
of labour, land and money is highly problematic. While labour, land, and money are
essential to the market economy, the fact is they are not commodities, in the sense that
they are not objects produced for sale on the market.
Labor is only another name for a human activity which goes with life
itself, which in its turn is not produced for sale but for entirely
different reasons, nor can that activity be detached from the rest of
life, be stored or mobilized; land is only another name for nature,
which is not produced by man; actual money, finally, is merely a
token of purchasing power which, as a rule, is not produced at all,
but comes into being through the mechanism of banking or state
finance. None of them is produced for sale. The commodity
description of labor, land, and money is entirely fictitious. (ibid.;
76,77)
The point is that, to include these fictitious commodities in the market mechanism, means
to “subordinate the substance of society itself to the laws of the market” (ibid., 75). For
Polanyi this would inevitably result on the demolishing of society or, to put in another
way, in the violation of the sociality substance of human beings. In particular, Polanyi
argues that subordinating nature (land) and man to the requirements of the market
mechanisms is part of the utopian project of a market economy which is not concerned
about how nature, and land principally, is inextricably interwoven with man’s
institutions (ibid.; 187). In market society, social beings become factor inputs and
nature (land) is included as part of the production process. Therefore, the institutional
separation of the economic is the result of two commodity fictions: land and labour
commodification.
Commodification as a process refers to the assignment of economic value to something
that was not previously considered in economic terms, followed by the expansion of
market trade to the sector that was not previously marketed. Therefore, Polanyi’s
definition of commodity-and consequently, of commodification - is centered on the
“market trade” aspect, i.e. the inclusion of the product in the supply and demand
mechanisms. While commodities are produced for sale on the market, fictitious
commodities are not; that is to say, only a fiction makes them alienable and
exchangeable in the market place.
“Commodity fictions” created in capitalism, particularly their social consequences, are
reminiscent of Marx’s theory of commodity fetishism. Centering his analysis on the
relationship between capital and labour, Marx argues that commodities, when produced
for the market, renderthe information about the social relations behind their production
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The significance of Polanyi’s contribution:
an interpretation of the neoliberalization and commodification of nature
Giulia Iannuzzi
45
invisible; human labour, embedded in the product, appears as an objective of the good.
Under commodity production, relationships between human beings take the form of
relations between “things”, since they are mediated by objects.
However, it is worth noting that the notion of fetishism in Marx refers to the exchange
value of not-fictitious commodities. In Polanyi’s words Marx’s assertion of the fetish
character of the value of commodities refers to the exchange value of genuine
commodities and has nothing in common with the fictitious commodities” (Polanyi, 1944:
72). Notwithstanding, it should also be underlined that Polanyi and Marx both share their
aversion to capitalism which was not primarily due to the fact that workers were
exploited, but rather because they were dehumanized, degraded, decultured, reduced to
toilers in William Blake’s dark satanic mills” (Polanyi-Lewitt and Mendell, 1987: 28).
Still focusing on the concept of commodity, and on his interpretation and elaboration of
Marx’s view in Polanyi’s work, Appadurai points out:
In modern analysis of economy (outside anthropology), the meaning
of the term commodity has narrowed to reflect only one part of the
heritage of Marx and the early political economists. That is, in most
contemporary uses, commodities are special kind of manufactured
goods (or services) which are associated only with capitalist mode
of production” (Appadurai, 1986: 7)
Historically, commodification (in Polanyi’s perspective) is not a no-return process, since
decommodification processes have occurred. The most emblematic example is the
abolition of slavery. However, Polanyi argues that the dominant trend has been towards
commodification. As will be discussed in more detail below, particularly with regard to
environmental policies, this trend has intensified since the 1980s against the backdrop
of the dominant international political-economic context, commonly referred as
neoliberalism.
3. Polanyi’s enduring contributions
Over 70 years ago Polanyi wrote: "To allow the market mechanism to be sole director of
the fate of human beings and their natural environment...would result in the demolition
of society" (Polanyi [1944] 2001: 73). Nevertheless, Polanyi was optimistic in his
conviction that such a destruction could no longer happen after the Second World War,
since "Within the nations we are witnessing a development under which the economic
system ceases to lay down the law to society and the primacy of society over that system
is secured". (Polanyi [1944] 2001: 511).
It is worth noting that, as argued by Stiglitz in his foreword to the 2001 edition of The
Great Transformation, nowadays it is widely acknowledged that free markets left by
themselves, do not lead to efficient and equitable outcomes. The need for government
intervention is recognized due to the limitations of markets (e.g. imperfect markets,
externalities, imperfect information etc.). It is also currently more evident that reciprocity
is a fundamental norm of action in modern societies (Block, 2008). Moreover, Amartya
Sen’s liberal paradox (1970) has shown the inherent contradiction in the classical liberal
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The significance of Polanyi’s contribution:
an interpretation of the neoliberalization and commodification of nature
Giulia Iannuzzi
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claim that markets are both efficient, in this case in terms of Pareto optimality, and
respectful of individual freedoms. However, while economic science is aware of free
market limitations public policies do not seem to have recognised Polanyi’s concerns, as
demonstrated by the Reagan and Thatcher’s doctrine, the Washington consensus, and
more broadly, the globalization process that has evolved against a backdrop of neoliberal
discourse.
Therefore, despite Polanyi’s misplaced optimism, his arguments are still relevant. The
“double movement” is a valuable tool for understanding current sociopolitical change.
According to Block (2008: 5)
The double movement is about the normal politics of market
societies with democratic governance, where adherents of both
laissez-faire and the protective counter movement are able to press
their case in the political arena”.
In other words, it is about the tension between economic liberalism principles and their
opponents.
The contemporary relevance of Polanyi's insights is being reviewed and explored with
regard to the interpretation of financialized capitalism as well as issues of social justice
10
.
Moreover, the dangers posed by the commodification of nature have been brought back
to debate. The commodification of land and the effects of the marketization of nature
have become some of the core issues being discussed in recent works of political ecology.
Castree (2010), for example, drawing on Marx and Polanyi’s thoughts, identifies seven
characteristics of the current process of the neoliberalization of nature: privatization,
marketization, State roll-back, market-friendly re-regulation, use of market proxies, the
promotion of ‘flanking mechanisms’ in civil society and the creation of ‘self-sufficient’
communities. He points out the fundamental role of the state in enforcing property rights
to make markets work, reinforcing Polanyi statement that the market system could not
exist without government action.
4. Interpreting the neoliberalization and commodification of nature
The unsustainable exploitation of natural resources, habitat destruction and the loss of
biodiversity, often caused by the principle of immediate gain and profit, have mainly be
addressed with two different type of policy instruments, both on the national and
international scale: command and control instruments and economic tools. Regulatory
approaches using command and control legislation (regulating, for instance, industrial
pollution) can be viewed as a countermovement using non-economic values to interfere
with market mechanisms, against their negative effects on the environment. In the
environmental and nature conservation policy portfolio, a rapid emergence of market-
based instruments (the second type of the abovementioned policy instruments) is
10
See the academic contributions to the 13th international Karl Polanyi Conference “The enduring legacy of
Karl Polanyi” held at Concordia University, (Canada) on November 6-8, 2014, for further insights.
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The significance of Polanyi’s contribution:
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Giulia Iannuzzi
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noteworthy. These include forest certifications, the payment of ecosystem services and
carbon markets.
Probably the most important trend in conservation science at the
moment is ‘ecosystem services’, typically seen as economic benefits
provided by natural ecosystems. They form the basis of most
market-oriented mechanisms for conservation. The underlying
assumption is that if scientists can identify ecosystem services,
quantify their economic value, and ultimately bring conservation
more in synchrony with market ideologies, then the decision-makers
will recognize the folly of environmental destruction on work to
safeguard nature (McCauley, 2006; 26)
Market-based tools for conservation and sustainable use of resources are more flexible
than direct regulatory approaches and they are considered more efficient and effective,
since based on self-regulating market forces that determine, through price signals, the
efficient allocation. In this regard, it is important to draw attention to the fact that the
main theoretical foundations of this approach emanate from neoclassical environmental
economics, which considers the non-existence of a market price for the services provided
by natural ecosystems, and market failures in general, the root cause of environmental
degradation. From this point of view, the solution proposed to avoid the degradation of
ecosystems is thus the monetary valuation of the services delivered (e.g. water and flood
regulation supplied by a forest)
11
. However, recalling Polanyi’s (1957: 72) notion of
fictitious commodities - something that has been fictitiously produced (or placed) for sale
on a market- we should make a distinction. A proxy commodification occurs when a
natural entity (e.g. clean air) is priced in order to signal to policymakers, a value that
can be taken into account in a cost-benefit analysis. Furthermore, there is the case of
the actual creation of a market when the natural thing is priced so as to be bought and
sold, thus producing a complete (fictitious) commodification (e.g. pollution permits
created by the Kyoto Protocol in the contest of the international emission trading scheme-
ETS).
Similarly, Gomez-Baggethun and Perez (2011) clarify in detail the differences between
the concepts of valuation, privatization, and commodification (mainly focusing their
analysis on the economic valuation and commodification of ecosystem services). In
theoretical terms, they are distinct, well differentiated concepts. However, they can
become tightly intertwined within the commodification process since the demarcation line
separating the different stages may fade. First, the economic framing of the environment
refers particularly to the conceptualization of the ecosystem functions as services defined
as acts with the capacity to fulfill human needs. The conceptualization of ecosystem
services was, indeed, intended with the aim of creating a framework to define and
analyze the relationship between natural and human systems and to increase awareness
on the contribution of biotic nature to human well-being. For instance, water purification
by ecosystems (e.g. forests or wetlands), categorized as a regulating system, provides
11
For instance, the main objective of the global initiative called “The Economics of Ecosystems and
Biodiversity” (TEEB) is to draw attention of policymakers to the economic benefits of biodiversity and to the
growing cost of biodiversity loss so that they can also be “captured” by market mechanisms.
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clean water without having to use water treatment plants. Second, monetary valuation
is the first step of the commodification process; assigning an economic value is a
necessary for the sale or the exchange of the potential commodity but does not suffice
on its own. Indeed, according to the definition of commodity proposed by Polanyi, as a
product produced to be sold in the market, commodification requires the creation of a
market for their sale or exchange. The creation of an institutional structure is necessary,
starting with the definition of property rights (e.g. through privatization) which makes
good and services alienable. When the commodification process is completed, monetary
valuation can be realized as cash flows.
Contending views in the debate on the growing reliance on economic valuation of
ecosystem services, and more broadly on the expansion of market valuation to spheres
that were unaffected by commerce, range from the support of valuation as a pragmatic
tool to the rejection of utilitarian rationales for conservation purposes
12
. According to the
first view, monetary valuation is considered crucial to communicate the value of
biodiversity and allow for a cost benefit analysis. This enables the effective and efficient
management and allocation of natural resources and ecosystem services, aimed at a
sustainable development. In turn, concerns about monetary valuation are especially
linked to its potentiality to act as a driver to commodification. Assigning a price to nature
may become a first step towards the introduction of the logic of profit in specific spheres
of human-nature relation only fictitiously marketable. In recent critiques of
commodification scholars have also drawn upon Marx’s analysis of commodification and
his concept of commodity fetishism viewing the social relationships involved in
production, not as relationships among people, but as asocial and economic relationships
between money (the universal mediator) and commodities exchanged in market trade.
As commodification makes human labour invisible, it also obscures the relevance of
ecological complexity and of biological interactions
13
contributing to the function of
ecosystems. The attempt to translate these complex ecological relations in marketable
units is met with obstacles at the operational level, since it is difficult to disentangle the
overlapping components and functions, and then to assign a price to trade the services
in the market. It is important to note that double counting is a frequent and well-
acknowledged issue in estimating the value of ecosystem services. Moreover, many
species and the peculiarities of ecosystem processes are still unknown. As highlighted
by Gomez-Baggethun and Perez (2011) another significant issue concerning the process
of nature commodification is linked to the ethical reasons against placing a monetary
value on various aspects of the environment because of the incommensurability of their
intrinsic, cultural, and social value, which depend on institutional and cultural settings.
Finally, commodification through the annihilation of the multiple languages of valuing
nature, can have worrisome implications on the way we relate to and perceive nature.
Translating the value of nature into the language of economics makes it possible to apply
of the polluters-pay principle and, similarly, it allows policymakers to make their choices
based on a cost-benefit analysis. Two main criticisms arise and have been well exposed
by McCauley. First, to make monetary valuation the foundation of nature conservation
strategies and of a path to sustainability is “to imply intentionally or otherwise that
12
For a detailed review of this debate see Gomez-Baggethun and Perez (2011). Their analysis focuses on
institutional and socioeconomical setup in which environmental policy and governance is currently
embedded.
13
Intertwined in spatial as well as temporal dimension.
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The significance of Polanyi’s contribution:
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Giulia Iannuzzi
49
nature is only worth conserving when it is, or can be made, profitable” (McCauley, 2006;
27). Secondly, nature conservation must be framed as a moral issue and argued as such
to policy-makers, who are just as accustomed to making decisions based on morality as
on finances.” (ibidem; 28)
The financialization of new areas associated with environmental conservation and
sustainability makes “green growth” the new frontier of market expansion
14
. Additionally,
according to Sullivan (2013) conservation organizations, and international environmental
NGOs are engaging with business and finance sectors, in an intensified financialisation of
discourses related to nature conservation. Remarkably, the paradox is that, also
environmental movements, emerging as reactions to the principles of market
neoliberalism to contain the effects of commodification, can have the unintended
consequence of extending marketization. “Inasmuch as the solution to climate change
becomes the creation of a carbon market (…) the result is the extension of the market
with no obvious diminution of global warming.” (Burawoy, 2015: 24).
To conclude, Jessop (2007) argues that in contemporary capitalism, we have to add to
the three fictitious commodities explored by Polanyi land (or nature), labour, and
money a fourth factor of production that has been commodified: knowledge. Analysing
this fictitious commodity is also of key importance to deepen our understanding of the
ongoing process of nature commodification. It should be remembered that genetically
manufactured crops are a product of new modes of transforming nature in a knowledge-
based economy.
5. Concluding remarks
As illustrated above, the concepts of (dis)embeddedness, fictitious commodity and double
movement, along with other theoretical insights of Polanyi’s work, provide a useful
conceptual framework for analyzing and interpreting neoliberalization and
commodification of nature, as well as their social effects. These issues have been brought
back into discussion, particularly due to the rapid emergence of market-based
instruments designed to tackle pollution, the loss of biodiversity and the unsustainable
use of natural resources. As Sandberg and Wekerle (2010; 42) point out in this
neoliberal conservation narrative, nature is increasingly constructed as a commodity or
real estate which is enclosed or fenced in order to be properly conserved.” Specific case
studies and a historical approach are needed in order to determine local manifestation
and contingencies of the processes of neoliberalization, commodification and the
marketization of nature.
Notwithstanding this, Fraser warns us that Polanyi’s framework must be revised in order
to allow an integrated structural analysis (…) that is sensitive to, and critical of,
domination.” (2012: 5). Indeed, she recalls that social constructions of labor, land, and
money have typically encoded forms of domination, many of which long predate their
commodificationwitness feudalism, slavery and patriarchy (Fraser 2012: 7).
14
It is also important to note that the dominant paradigm of growth-oriented capitalism framing the
arguments of those who are proposing the “green economy” or “green growth” model is being questioned
by those supporting a “degrowth” paradigm. Nicholas Georgescu-Roegen coined the termdecroissance” in
1979, and the last decade has witnessed the consolidation of “degrowth” as a political, economic and social
movement and as an intellectual current in the literature. Degrowth can generally be defined as a collective
and planned process aimed at the equitable downscaling of the overall capacity to produce and consume
and of the role of markets as a central organising principle of human lives (Schneider et al., 2010).
JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations
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The significance of Polanyi’s contribution:
an interpretation of the neoliberalization and commodification of nature
Giulia Iannuzzi
50
Therefore, marketization and enforcing of property rights should also be researched as
potential opportunities for emancipation. Conversely, with particular regard to
privatization and marketization in support of nature conservation, a number of scholars
lament their social and environmental consequences: benefit and risk are unequally
shared, new types of social and economic capital are generated and “captured” by élites
and, as a result, processes of rural gentrification may arise or be reinforced (Sandberg
and Wekerle, 2010). The question that emerges from these conflicting views is whether
the application of social principles, distributed concerns and the ethical allocation of
resources throughout the development and implementation of political ecology’s
approaches and specific governance settings, would be able to re-embed nature and the
economy into society and so creating an alternative within the global political trend of
neoliberalism.
Concurrently, a deeper perspective should focus on the impacts of fictitious
commodification, on social relations and on the complex relationship between man and
nature. Particular attention must be given to the fact that the dominant discourse of
valuation and the market logic imposed on different aspects of social life tend to
subordinate moral and ethical values to market and monetary exchange values. It is
worth mentioning that anthropocentric concerns and materialistic values have been found
to be negatively associated with pro-environmental attitudes and behaviours, by a
growing body of evidence and empirical studies (Hurts et al., 2013). Therefore, monetary
valuation and the ongoing process of commodification of nature intended to solve
pressing environmental issues through novel market-based conservation strategies (e.g.
wetland banking), may be potentially counterproductive. In marked contrast to the
neoliberal narrative, however, this process of conforming nature to fit neoliberal market
logic has tended to accelerate rather than lessen the degradation of natural resources.”
(Vogelpohl, 2014; 237). This implication calls to mind Polanyi’s reflection on the need for
the economic system be in the service of human institutions (and not the other way
round). It also recalls the central argument of The Great Transformation, built on the
concept of (dis)embeddedness, i.e. that market liberalism to work as intended because
of its fictitious basis. The fiction and the contradiction inherent in the logic of the
“neoliberalization of nature” consists in solving market failures and inefficiencies with the
expansion of market mechanisms and market-friendly regulations.
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