OBSERVARE
Universidade Autónoma de Lisboa
e-ISSN: 1647-7251
Vol. 10, Nº. 2 (November 2019-April 2020), pp. 1-11
THE UN IN CONFLICT RESOLUTION: THE CASE OF EAST TIMOR
Francisco Proença Garcia
franciscoproencagarcia@iep.lisboa.ucp.pt
Reserve Lieutenant Colonel. Associate Professor with Aggregation at the Institute of Political
Studies of Universidade Católica Portuguesa (Portugal). Invited Professor at the Faculty of Law of
Universidade Nova de Lisboa and at Instituto Universitário Militar. He was Planning Officer of the
PKF/UNTAET Central Sector Command Headquarters in East Timor (2001). He is Director of
Sociedade de Geografia
Mónica Dias
moni@iep.lisboa.ucp.pt
Coordinator of the Doctoral Programme at Institute of Political Studies, Universidade Católica
Portuguesa (Portugal). PhD in Political Science and International Relations, conducts research in
Conflict and Peace Studies, Democracy Studies, Contemporary International Politics and Human
Rights. Taught at University of Cologne and United States Information Agency Summer School.
Raquel Duque
raquelsantosduque@gmail.com
Ph.D. in Political Science and International Relations: Security and Defence, Master in
International Security and Terrorism. Invited Assistant Professor at the Institute of Political
Studies, Universidade Católica Portuguesa, Portugal) and at the Instituto Superior de Ciências
Policiais e Segurança Interna. Researcher at the ICPOL Research Centre, at the Research Centre
of the Institute for Political Studies and at the Centre for Administration and Public Policy, ISCSP.
Abstract
The involvement of the United Nations in East Timor can be divided into four periods, including
the anti-colonial period (1955-1974), the reaction period (1975-1982), the attenuation period
(1983-1998) and the commitment period (from 1999). It is about this last period that this
paper will focus by analysing the decisive steps of the UN, as a multilateral organization with
a security mandate, in resolving the Timorese conflict and peacebuilding in that territory. This
analysis will be guided by the proposals of the document "An Agenda for Peace" presented in
1992 by Boutros Boutros-Ghali, then Secretary-General of the United Nations, and the
expectations he created in the field of peace operations. We are particularly interested in
looking at the design of post-conflict peacebuilding missions and assessing the extent to which
the (expected) capital gains from these operations compared to conventional peacekeeping
missions would come to fruition or not. Thus, it is important to examine how the main missions
were carried out, with special focus on the different actors, as well as to make a critical balance
with some historical distance. In this context, it seems to us that the case of East Timor will
be a good example to understand the need for a new approach to peacebuilding, as advocated
in this Report, but which at a distance of more than 25 years becomes even more evident.
The perception of peace as a continuous process that involves a whole sustainability network,
and that depends above all on fostering and developing competences for peace (involving
multiple and distinct actors facing constant coordination and negotiation challenges),
therefore allows demanding greater commitment on the part of the Security Council, but also
on that of the General Assembly in carrying out this difficult task in the context of the new
world (dis) order.
Keywords
Peace Studies, International Organizations, Peacekeeping Operations, Governance and State
Building, Timor-Leste
How to cite this article
Garcia, Francisco Proença; Dias, Mónica; Duque, Raquel (2019). "The UN in Conflict
Resolution: the case of East Timor". JANUS.NET e-journal of International Relations, Vol. 10,
N.º 2, November 2019-April 2020. Consulted [online] on the date of the last visit,
https://doi.org/10.26619/1647-7251.10.2.1
Article received on November 29, 2018 and accepted for publication on June 28, 2019
JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations
e-ISSN: 1647-7251
Vol. 10, Nº. 2 (November 2019-April 2020), pp. 1-11
The UN in conflict resolution: the case of East Timor
Francisco Proença Garcia, Mónica Dias, Raquel Duque
2
THE UN IN CONFLICT RESOLUTION: THE CASE OF EAST TIMOR
1
2
Francisco Proença Garcia
Mónica Dias
Raquel Duque
I. The UN in conflict resolution
The last decade of the twentieth century witnessed remarkable changes in the field of
geopolitics that have shifted the artificial peace between the eastern bloc and the western
bloc to a globe fragmented in a growing number of sovereign states and non-state actors
with a high transnational role (especially for example, economic and financial groups,
non-governmental organizations with the most diverse claims, organized crime networks
or terrorist groups). These transformations were accompanied by major technological
advances in various sectors such as communications, information, and military, which
saw the evolution of armed and unarmed conflicts, notably in cyberspace war. The
prevention of conflict between states was a central objective of the United Nations.
However, the governing charter of this organization does not specify conflicts within the
states which, in the post-Cold War environment, have been prevalent, with complex
situations such as the Balkan war or the genocide in Rwanda, and have required a
response from key actors in the international space.
Faced with an accelerated and complex international dynamic in the webs of
interdependencies that are generated among the multiple actors of the new (and
uncertain) world order, the then UN Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali understood
the need to provide an answer adjusted to the new context, requiring the commitment
of all states to the goal of peace. The Agenda for Peace. Preventive Diplomacy,
Peacemaking and Peace-Keeping Report (United Nations, 1992)
3
embodies Boutros-
Ghali's vision and proposes to transform the pathways leading to peace - in a manner
complementary to the UN Charter that already provided for peacekeeping operations in
Chapter VI and peace enforcement operations in Chapter VII.
Twenty-six years later, the UN remains the most recognized and comprehensive
international forum for peacemaking, and Boutros-Ghali's legacy endures in stimulating
1
The translation of this article was co-funded by Instituto Camões in the framework of the 1st International
Conference on Conflict Resolution and Peace Studies. Text translated by Carolina Peralta.
2
Special issue of articles presented at the 1st International Conference on Conflict Resolution and Peace
Studies that took place at UAL on the 29
th
and 30
th
of November 2018.
3
Hereinafter referred to as an Agenda for Peace or simply Agenda.
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The UN in conflict resolution: the case of East Timor
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3
new conceptions of conflict resolution. Perhaps an element that underpins the durability
of the Agenda still in 2018 is the innovative formula for post-conflict peace building,
which encourages the development of research in peace studies and yields effective
results on the ground. On the one hand, this document has declared a crucial premise
for any peace debate in the new international system that traditional means of ending
wars would be inappropriate to the configurations of modern conflicts. In this way, the
Agenda for Peace seeks to establish a solid starting point for peace maintenance and,
furthermore, introduces a new peace paradigm: peace as a mission that cannot be done
but rather developed through the commitment of all those who have been affected by
the conflict, that is, in a commitment extended to the whole of society.
In the wake of Immanuel Kant, a more complex foedus pacificum (1795) overlaps a
pactum pacis and thus the peace solution advocated by the Agenda goes beyond mere
political truce and advances towards the inclusion (i) of political institutions’ reform ii)
security, iii) rebuilding infrastructure, as well as economic, social and cultural capacities
that empower people, stimulate civil society, foster cooperation within the community
and the regions and eliminate the causes of extreme poverty, fear, oppression, hatred
and resentment. On the other hand, the Agenda for Peace acted as an alarm that sounded
at the highest levels of the UN itself, namely the Security Council and the General
Assembly, to demonstrate that conventional UN Peace Missions - more positive in
interstate rather than intrastate conflicts (Branco, 2004: 108-109) - will not be able to
respond to new threats to peace and will have to adjust to contemporary conflicts.
Here, of course, we have to point out that the notion of conflict has changed decisively,
posing new challenges for those seeking to relieve tensions. Areas of violent conflict have
emerged in border regions and at an intrastate or sub-state level, creating true
“enclaves” of war (urban or regional) in peaceful spaces (Manwaring, 2005). But it is
especially in regions where the state no longer (or not yet) has a monopoly on the
legitimate use of force, nor is it capable of fulfilling the most basic governance tasks that
this type of conflict breaks out. These regions are often in a phase of reconstruction after
long periods of war in which (re-)conciliation efforts have not yet overcome the culture
of violence, but also during independence processes following the fall of dictatorial
regimes in which the transfer of power has not yet been consolidated or regulated.
However, it is important to note that these “new wars” (Creveld, 1991; Duffield, 2001;
Kaldor, 2001; Kalyvas et al., 2008; Münkler, 2003) can also be understood as a return
to the old forms of violent conflict that have marked societies for thousands of years and
which, in fact, have only recently changed, largely from a culture of war that the
“euroworld” has imposed (Keegan, 1993; Münkler, 2003).
4
In any case, the idea of post-conflict peacebuilding already reflects this “new context”
(Boutros-Ghali, 1992) in that it points to a whole different approach to peacebuilding,
which requires greater involvement not only during the conflict, but also in the moments
preceding and following the escalation of violence, integrating in this post-conflict phase
the reconstruction of key areas for sustainable and appropriate peace throughout society.
We can observe two orientations of this paradigm shift, one concerning the concept of
peace, the other concerning the practice of peace missions, both interconnected and
concerned about peace as the possible mission that can be achieved in a medium-term
strategy. According to the first guideline, in the Boutros-Ghali statement, peace is
4
The discussion about the “new wars” concept, however interesting, goes beyond the scope of this article.
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understood as a composite or comprehensive value. Drawing on innovative and critical
studies of peace studies, developed by experts such as Johan Galtung (1969) or Dieter
Senghaas (1971), peace is conceived not only as the absence of direct violence or war,
but above all as the possibility of life without indirect violence (such as political and social
repression) and with full participation in free and fair institutions (including forms of
education) that generate civil capacities for tolerance, consensus building through
pluralistic and competitive debate and conflict resolution. Senghaas' conflict management
proposal, called Zivilisierung - which is today a cornerstone of peace studies - seems
particularly relevant to us, as it implies an integrated vision of appeasement that is
reflected in the political and social coexistence of the communities to be rebuilt in the
post-war world. It is worth recalling, briefly, the “civilizational hexagon” model
(Senghaas, 1971) developed by this author as part of his ideas on peacebuilding. Thus,
peace is essentially seen as a project of civilization that corresponds to a course of
individual and collective appeasement
5
. In the theoretical debate, the civilizational
hexagon represents, figuratively, the interdependence between six factors considered
essential to the possibility of peace. The first factor would be the monopoly of violence.
Only this legitimate monopoly (that is, according to precise laws) of state violence, which
would require the disarmament of the population and the general prohibition of non-
state-dependent armed groups, could ensure discursive conflict management in the
public space, gradually eliminating the use of force as a combat pattern and stimulating
argumentative forms in the defence of confronting particular interests. The second factor
would underline the imperative of the rule of law, in that the monopoly of state violence
presupposing transparent, regulated and controlled mechanisms would not be sufficient.
For Senghaas, the whole political architecture of a state committed to peace is based on
respect for a constitution that enshrines the division of power, equality before the law
and all the other principles that characterize what we understand today as a democratic
rule of law state. The third factor draws attention to the control of passions. In an open
society, moderation is, as a domestication of impulses, a way of peacefully managing
conflict and replacing violence with tolerance. Social and political peace thus presupposes
individual competences for self-control and moderation of the passions. Democratic
participation emerges as a fourth factor, highlighting not only the importance of political
participation, but also thorough learning of democratic rules that require commitment,
cooperation and accountability. In the context of modern societies strongly marked by
permanent changes and re-adaptations, critical and active collaboration is all the more
important. Social justice is the fifth factor in Senghaas’ model. Drawing on several
examples of states in which serious violent conflicts have arisen, the author highlights
the importance of social justice as a political fair play that guarantees equal opportunities
and solidarity, enabling trust and hope in the state - values that give rise to the
availability of cooperation and peaceful conflict management. Finally, constructive
conflict management is outlined as a sixth factor. Following the above factors, regarding
the ability to choose nonviolent ways to confront and work conflicts, Senghaas points to
a whole culture of peaceful conflict regulation that is already a result of previous
conditions or learning. It presupposes habits and good examples, and probably certain
characteristics considered as “virtues” (tolerance, moderation, empathy, commitment,
respect for social and political rules, willingness to trust, etc.) that facilitate a peaceful
coexistence in plural and multicultural societies. This last factor already points to the
5
It should be noted that in applying the concept of “civilization” to peace studies, Senghaas was greatly
influenced by the concept of “civilizational process” coined by Norbert Elias (1994).
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The UN in conflict resolution: the case of East Timor
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synergy of all the factors that constitute the “hexagon” that would thus allow a culture
of peace as an act of moralization, humanization or “civilization”.
Returning to the second paradigm shift orientation mentioned above and related to the
practice of peacekeeping, it must be said that post-conflict peacebuilding must increase
and deepen the maintenance of traditional peace on the ground. It is not intended as a
replacement or upgrade for peacekeeping missions, but as a natural complement that
can provide a stronger scope for the increasingly complex (and networked) UN work.
Thanks to the impact of an Agenda for Peace, which anticipated many trends in the
international political arena, peacekeeping missions have expanded greatly since 1992.
A simple analysis of the number and nature of missions, but also of the resources involved
(including financing, materials, structures and labour) attests their growing strength. This
is particularly true when we consider the UN's ability to involve non-governmental
organizations in peace operations and to promote military, paramilitary and civilian
cooperation on the ground. For an overview of this work we highlight the universe of UN
peacekeeping missions revealing the peace effort: a total of 71 missions, with 14 active
missions around the world
6
.
It is also important to mention the UN's willingness to integrate different concepts of
peacebuilding that derive not only from a general and universal idea of peace (which is
in line with Western culture) and that it intends to impose “from above downwards”- but
which stem precisely from the local traditions of undeveloped communities (“bottom
up”), as explained, for example, by the works of John Paul Lederach and Janice Jenner
(2002) or Wolfgang Dietrich (2005). The authors understand peace as a plural concept,
of varied materializations, but always integrating a strong notion of civic participation of
the affected population. In this regard, they also warn for the need for each peace
operation to be different, depending on pre and post-conflict conditions, the intensity of
the conflict and the parties involved, the remaining resources and infrastructure at the
end of the escalation of violence, and previous culture and political organization.
All these meanings fed (and later fed themselves) on Boutros-Ghali’s Agenda for Peace.
Conceptually, this document we are discussing here has opened the door to new
reflection on peace and ways and means to implement it on the ground. In this regard,
we mention the comprehensive approach developed in NATO operations or, previously,
the innovations introduced by Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and
Security of 31 October 2000.
If we follow the ideas of Michael Doyle and Nicholas Sambanis in their attempt to assess
United Nations peacekeeping operations in 2006 - as well as their critical but nonetheless
constructive concerns - the overall conclusions are encouraging (Doyle and Sambanis,
2006). Thus, despite their many imperfections, the positive results achieved in just a
generation, reaching millions of lives and peoples, reveal these operations as a world
stronghold of hope. In this regard, we can conclude that, rather than responding to the
Security Council's request to make recommendations to strengthen peacebuilding and
peacekeeping in the post-Cold War era, the Agenda for Peace has revitalized all of the
6
As of writing this paper, the field missions are as follows: Haiti (MINUJUSTH), Mali (MINUSMA), Golan
(UNDOF), Abyei (UNISFA), India and Pakistan (UNMOGIP), Western Sahara (MINURSO), Democratic
Republic of the Congo (MONUSCO), Cyprus (UNFICYP), Kosovo (UNMIK), Middle East (UNTSO), Central
African Republic (MINUSCA), Darfur (UNAMID), Lebanon (UNIFIL) and South Sudan (UNMISS).
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The UN in conflict resolution: the case of East Timor
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UN’s peace work, bringing peacekeeping operations to a broader level with high impact
and long-term return.
After the Agenda, other documents and ideas followed and contributed to the updating
of UN action in conflicting territories and their missions, namely the Brahimi Report
(2000), Capstone Doctrine (2008), or the New Horizon Process (2009).
In an effort to take stock of the then six decades of missions and to present written
guidelines for action in complex crises, the United Nation Peacekeeping Operations -
Principles and Guidelines, also known as the Capstone Doctrine
7
, was published in 2008.
In 100 pages, the biggest challenges for UN operations are exposed, as well as the
relevance of the ongoing dialogue between the various actors involved in the mission
scenarios for adjustments whenever situations require it. Thus, the Capstone Doctrine
systematizes seemingly obvious elements, such as the normative framework within
which UN peacekeeping operations are supported, while exposing strategic and
operational elements, such as deployment and placement phases, or hand over and
withdrawal periods.
The New Horizon process, which began in 2009 and aimed at developing a forward-
looking agenda for partnership-based, broad dialogue-based UN peacekeeping
operations, benefited from the launch of an internal document entitled A New Partnership
Agenda: Charting a New Horizon for UN Peacekeeping
8
, which has been shared with
Member States and other partners.
In this set of initiatives leading to as effective as possible peace missions, it is also
relevant to mention the UN High-Level Independent Panel on Peace Operations, created
in October 2014 during Ban Ki-moon's mandate, composed of 16 individuals (including
José Ramos Horta of Timor-Leste, who chaired the meeting). The purpose of this Panel
was not only to conduct a comprehensive assessment of peace operations, but also to
assess future needs and the role of the UN, following the changes and developments in
the conflicts themselves. The report was finalized in June 2015 and was delivered to both
the General Assembly and the Security Council, which have attempted to assimilate and
accommodate the 166 recommendations covering nine strategic areas.
In order to demonstrate the contribution of the UN Missions and the steps to effect a
peacebuilding process, which was already implicit in the (now expanded) peacekeeping
operations, we would like to present the case study of East Timor.
II. The case of East Timor
The UN has a long-term involvement in East Timor. However, we will narrow the analysis
of this work to the period after 1999 and include Indonesia, as the internal situation in
this country had significant repercussions on East Timor. The 1997 Asian financial crisis
that affected Indonesia, among other countries, was so serious that it involved the
intervention of the International Monetary Fund with a $11.4 billion aid package for a
three-year period (International Monetary Fund, 2000).
7
United Nations (2008). United Nation Peacekeeping Operations – Principles and Guidelines, Department of
Peacekeeping Operations and Department of Field Support, New York.
8
United Nations (2009). A New Partnership Agenda: Charting a New Horizon for UN Peacekeeping,
Department of Peacekeeping Operations and Department of Field Support, New York.
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The internal situation worsened and General Shuarto left the scene after three decades
in power, giving way in 1998 to a new President, General Habibie, who embarked on a
set of political reforms, including a change of attitude regarding Timor. Indeed, on 5 May
1999, an agreement was reached in New York between Portugal and Indonesia with a
view to (i) holding a popular consultation with the Timorese people under the aegis of
the UN, and (ii) establishing Indonesia's responsibility for peace and safety in East Timor,
to ensure consultation in a peaceful environment free from pressure or intimidation.
However, even before the popular consultation, there were episodes of great violence,
codenamed Operasi Sapu Jagad, deliberately led by militias of the East Timorese and
Indonesian military of the TNI (Tentarra Nasional Indonesia/Indonesian Armed Forces).
The UN has kept a close eye on developments, and in order for this consultation to take
place without interference, the Security Council approved the establishment of a mission
to organize and conduct the process of consultation with the population in East Timor,
UNAMET (United Nations Mission East Timor) through Resolution 1246 of 11 June 1999
and with a mandate from June to October 1999. The popular consultation took place on
30 August of that same year and had significant independence-friendly results (78.5 %
of the votes), which surprised the Indonesian power (which considered that the option
of special autonomy within Indonesia would be the most voted) and which led to an
unprecedented wave of violence by the integrationist militias.
As UNAMET was a political mission and the occurrence of violence multiplied, the Security
Council, through Resolution 1264 of 15 September 1999, created an international force,
the International Force in East Timor (INTERFET), to restore the law and order in the
country, to protect and support UNAMET and to facilitate humanitarian assistance. On 20
September, INTERFET, under Australian command and with Indonesian consent, started
its command in Dili with a military force of approximately 7,500 men from 12 countries.
An important step in the construction of this new country was taken by Indonesia when
it revoked the annexation of the 27th Province, East Timor, on 19 October 1999. A few
days later, on 25 October, the Security Council established, by Resolution 1272, the
UNTAET (United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor) as a multidimensional
peacekeeping operation, whose mandate ranged from October 1999 to May 2002. The
central objective of peacekeeping operations was to create conditions for the stability of
a country, in such a way that it was possible, in a peaceful environment, to invest in
human resources training and institutional development, thus contributing to the
legitimacy of the (new) state. Indeed, UNTAET was active on three fronts: a transitional
UN administration of East Timorese territory, with powers to exercise all legislative and
executive functions, including the administration of justice and public order with the
police forces; security functions and maintenance of military order; and the coordination
of humanitarian assistance.
East Timor became an independent country on 20 May 2002, when UNTAET was replaced
by UNMISET ((The United Nations Mission of Support in East Timor) by Resolution 1410
of 17 May 2002. This new peacekeeping mission had an initial mandate of one year and
was committed to ensuring the security and stability of East Timor, notably in assisting
administrative structures critical to the political viability and stability of the country;
supporting public security and police development; and maintaining East Timor's external
security. UNMISET has had its mandate renewed until 20 May 2005 as a means of
securing and consolidating the achievements of UNTAET and until the Timorese
authorities assumed their responsibilities autonomously.
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In May 2005, with the end of UNMISET's term of office, a political mission, called the
United Nations Office in Timor-Leste (UNOTIL), was created to assist in the development
of basic Timorese state institutions, including police forces, and to provide training in
democratic governance and human rights. With an expected duration of one year (until
May 2006), the UNOTIL delegation was on the ground until August of that year due to
the worsening of the political, humanitarian and security situation. The conditions
worsened to the extent that on 11 June 2006, the country's highest political authorities,
namely the President of the Republic, the President of Parliament and the Prime Minister,
sent a letter to the UN Secretary-General requesting him to propose to the Security
Council the establishment of a United Nations police force in East Timor to maintain order
until the reorganization of the national police. Indeed, the Secretary-General
recommended a multidimensional and integrated UN mission to support the Timorese
government in various aspects, namely national reconciliation, electoral processes for
president and parliament, security and institutional capacity building in the region, and
monitoring the promotion and protection of human rights.
The last United Nations peacekeeping mission in East Timor, the United Nations
Integrated Mission in Timor-Leste (UNMIT), was established by Resolution 1704 of 25
August 2006 and had its mandate extended until 31 December 2012. During this period,
it was important to consolidate what had been achieved and to ensure stability,
democratic governance and political dialogue between the various actors of Timorese
society for a process of national reconciliation and solid national cohesion. This mission
was ground-breaking and consisted of the creation of a joint plan between the
government and UNMIT (Joint Transition Plan) outlining 129 activities that met the
priorities and objectives for the transitional period from September 2011 to the end of
the UNMIT mandate in December 2012.
Table 1 summarizes the missions referred to in the paragraphs above, as well as their
mandates.
Table 1. UN Missions in East Timor
Mandate
▪ Security Council Resolution 1246 of 11 June 1999 established UNAMET until 31
August 1999 to organize and conduct the popular consultation scheduled for 8
August 1999.
▪ Resolution 1257 extended the mission to 30 September 1999.
▪ Security Council Resolution 1271 of 25 October 1999 established UNTAET with
the responsibility to administer East Timor, having executive and legislative
authority, including the administration of justice.
▪ UNTAET was in operation from 25 October 1999 to 20 May 2002.
▪ Total human resources: 9,150 military personnel; 1,640 police officers; and more
than 2,000 civilians (international and local).
▪ There were a total of 17 human casualties (15 military personnel, one police
officer and one military observer)
• Security Council resolution of 17 May established UNMISET with the mission of
providing assistance in administrative areas vital to East Timor’s political viability
and stability, as well as security.
• The mandate of UNMISET was effective form 20 May 2002 to 20 May 2005.
• Initially, the human resources dimension foresaw about 5,000 military personnel;
1,250 police officers; about 1800 civilians (including international staff, local staff
and volunteers).
• In terms of fatalities of these human resources, there were 21 casualties.
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▪ Security Council Resolution 1599 of 28 April 2005 established UNOTIL with a
mandate of one year (until 20 May 2006). It consisted of a special political mission
to accompany and support the development of state institutions in the areas of
police training, border patrol, military advice, human rights, and democratic
governance.
▪ Security Council Resolution 1704 of 25 August 2006 established UNMIT with an
initial term of six months, renewable for equal periods, with a sphere of action in
support of government and institutions relevant to the consolidation of stability,
strengthening the culture of democratic governance and facilitating political
dialogue between Timorese actors in their efforts for national reconciliation and
social cohesion, as well as supporting the 2007 (presidential and parliamentary)
electoral processes.
▪ The authorized force comprised 1,608 police officers, 34 military liaison officers
and civilians. Since 2006, 5,119 police officers, 262 military personnel and around
3,000 civilians and volunteers have taken over the mission.
▪ There were a total of 17 casualties (9 police officers, 4 local civilians and 4
international civilians).
Source: Authors’ own based on the aforementioned Resolutions.
The efforts made by the UN and summarized here constitute, in our view, a very
important factor not only for the pacification of East Timor, but also for its development
and gradual but nevertheless increasing prosperity. Different reports and international
rankings prove the improvement of living conditions, as well as an increase of freedom.
The Global Peace Index places East Timor at the 53rd place (out of 163) in 2018.
According to the Freedom House's assessment of the “state of freedom” in each country,
East Timor has improved its position from “partially free” to “free” last year, which seems
to us a very positive development.
Conclusion
The presence of the UN in East Timor was a set of essential elements to lead the country
to a peaceful environment, namely commitment and monitoring of situations. This small
country that was asserting itself in the international community was testament to the
success of the United Nations, which contributed substantially to the rehabilitation of
public infrastructure, the restoration of social harmony, administrative and community
structures, and the establishment of democratic governance. In addition, the Timorese
case virtually integrates all types of operations of the Agenda for Peace, inasmuch as the
intervention started with peace enforcement, under Chapter 7, with INTERFET; it was
followed by a multidimensional peacekeeping/peacebuilding operation
9
; and culminated
in the country's own appropriation of competences for its normal and expected
development. Indeed, there has been a transformation of the conflict, typical of peace
operations, into a structured product of various interventions undertaken by official and
unofficial actors working at all levels of society - and with society. During the UN missions,
the integrated military component made a decisive contribution to global stability and a
9
Peacebuilding, either post-violence, post-settlement (comprehensive settlement) or as an effort to prevent
reemergence from conflict, depends on the ability to transform the conflicting situation of potential/current
mass violence into a peaceful and cooperative relationship capable of promoting reconciliation and
reconstruction and sustainable development over time. Peacekeeping is a conflict management tool to
contain violence, while peacebuilding is the means to establish viable and inclusive democratic governance
in a post-conflict society, usually through free and fair elections, independent legislative and judicial
functions, responsible transparency and governance, access to political and economic opportunities, and
equitable sharing of wealth.
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secure environment within the territory, particularly in border areas. However, in addition
to the indispensable presence of the military, which ensures the security environment
and is fundamental to the development and well-being of the population, the post-conflict
peace building operations enabled thinking and finding broader (and more effective)
responses to the challenges that the new conflicts pose not just for a community but for
an entire region. It will therefore be in the ability of the UN to adjust to the changing
conflicts in a globalized world, and in its courage to continue and extend its missions,
that the key to win peace again and day after day, lies.
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